From February 13 to July 13, 2026, New Mexico sent letters, made calls, and held meetings — and got 31 pages at the very end. The timeline is a documented record of deliberate federal obstruction of a state-level Epstein investigation.
Podbit · The MeidasTouch Podcast
From February 13 to July 13, 2026, New Mexico sent letters, made calls, and held meetings — and got 31 pages at the very end. The timeline is a documented record of deliberate federal obstruction of a state-level Epstein investigation.
Where this was said
At 10:43 · chapter starts 8:58
The numbers don't lie. Ben Meiselas reads from the New Mexico letter: the DOJ's own assertion identified more than 6 million Epstein-related records under the Epstein Files Transparency Act, approximately 3.5 million of which were released publicly — but so heavily redacted as to be useless for law enforcement. Against this backdrop, the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Mexico hand-delivered just 31 pages on July 10, 2026, nearly all of them documents already on the federal portal. Meiselas lets the absurdity speak for itself: 31 pages when they need 3 million. He frames the hand-delivery itself — dispatched right before New Mexico was about to sue — as a desperate, bad-faith gesture from a regime caught in the act of covering up.
Of over 6 million Epstein-related records identified under the Epstein Files Transparency Act, the DOJ handed New Mexico 31 pages — most already public, all substantially redacted. The New Mexico AG called it functionally nonresponsive and set a July 31 deadline before filing suit.
The DOJ's own assertion identified more than 6 million total Epstein-related responsive records under the Epstein Files Transparency Act, of which approximately 3.5 million have been publicly released.
Of the 6 million Epstein records identified, approximately 3.5 million were released publicly but are described as so substantially redacted as to preclude meaningful law enforcement follow-up.
After months of demands, the Trump DOJ produced only 31 pages of Epstein documents to New Mexico — mostly already-released, mostly redacted — out of over 6 million identified records.
Fei-Fei Li went back to Stanford from Google in 2018 specifically to build a multi-stakeholder governance framework for AI. Her argument: market forces are not societal norms. Just as biology uses IRBs and cars have safety laws, AI needs layered oversight from educators, governments, and the public — not just a few industry titans.
Andrew Santino's personal MCU of political villains is collapsing. He and Bobby speculated that a circulating photo of Mitch McConnell with a Chinese official was AI-generated compositing two separate images.
Mass surveillance is here to stay. The real battle isn't stopping cameras — it's ensuring judges and laws keep that data out of family court and civil disputes, admitting it only for violent crimes and national security. The surveillance economy currently yields more upside than downside, but only if we build the legal guardrails now.
When people cite Scandinavia as proof socialism works, Galloway says they've got it backwards. Northern Europe runs highly competitive free-market economies with more competition in many sectors than the US — they just make sure taxes are actually paid and redistributed. Billionaires and universal healthcare can coexist.
Two percent adjustments to income tax and stamp duty tweaks are deck-chair rearrangements. The UK's competitiveness hinges on four structural levers: currency valuation, energy costs, regulatory burden, and tax rates. Devalue the pound, build 56 nuclear plants, slash red tape, introduce a flat tax — and the country transforms.
Lisbon had one of Europe's worst heroin crises. Then Portugal legalised drugs and redirected all enforcement money into rehabilitation and housing. Crime collapsed. Addiction fell. Then politics moved the money elsewhere, and the problem started creeping back. Chesterton's Fence: you forget why you were spending that money.
Congress passed the Boland Amendment 411 to 0, explicitly banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras. Reagan signed it — then immediately moved the operation deeper underground, essentially responding to a bipartisan prohibition by going more illegal.
The CIA planted mines in Nicaraguan commercial harbors, wrote the Contras' press releases taking credit, and promptly blew up ships from four allied nations. The Wall Street Journal broke the story, Congress erupted, and the Boland Amendments multiplied.
Oliver North was a decorated Marine and devout Catholic with zero covert operations experience. He ran the entire shadow war against Congress — planes, airstrips, arms shipments, shell companies — learning on the job. And by every operational measure, he crushed it.
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