In Malta, citizens can vote in local council and European Parliament elections from age 16, but the proposal is to use this earlier voting age as an entry point for civic education.
Where this was said
At 41:20 · chapter starts 39:10
The conversation reaches its historical turning point: 1981. The Nationalist Party won a majority of the popular vote but Labour's more efficient geographic distribution of support translated into more seats and continued government. The injustice was stark enough to trigger a constitutional amendment: henceforth, the party winning the most votes would receive enough bonus seats to ensure they could form a government. It was a reasonable fix to an obvious problem. But David notes the unintended consequence — the bonus-seat mechanism introduces its own form of disproportionality, expanding parliament unpredictably and rewarding the winner in ways that don't always track with the actual gap in support. The wound from 1981 was patched, but the patch has its own complications.
A total of 8 states have filed lawsuits against social media platforms, including an ongoing case in Tennessee, using product liability and public nuisance theories to seek accountability.
France built 56 nuclear plants in the 1970s and now has the cheapest energy in Europe, making it independent of Russian or Middle Eastern energy geopolitics.
Estonia has a single tax form, a law preventing the government from asking citizens for the same information twice, and a flat rate of tax — enabling competitive taxation.
Portugal's Lisbon, once a city with a major heroin problem, legalised drugs and redirected enforcement spending into rehabilitation and housing, dramatically reducing crime.
The first Boland Amendment banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras passed the House unanimously — yet the Reagan administration ignored it.
Over just two years, Saudi Arabia alone donated $32 million to the Contra rebels, giving loosely affiliated factions millions they had no way to spend on arms.
The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty raised $6.3 million for the Contras but only $3.3 million reached them — a shockingly low 52% program expense rate.
Richard Secord and Albert Hakim marked up their arms shipments to the Contras by as much as 300%, making enormous personal profits from the covert operation.
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, tapped to run the entire covert Contra support operation, had no prior experience in covert operations whatsoever — he was learning as he went.
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