The Tea Party wave sent approximately 70 new members to Congress, a far larger footprint than Democratic Socialists have today inside the Democratic Party.
Snapshot · The Bulwark Podcast
The Tea Party wave sent approximately 70 new members to Congress, a far larger footprint than Democratic Socialists have today inside the Democratic Party.
Where this was said
At 34:30 · chapter starts 30:30
The conversation pivots to 2028 after a pleasant detour through the Iowa Straw Poll (both hosts are wrong about who won — Michele Bachmann, not Romney, not Santorum). Dickerson opens the Democratic field discussion by citing the Pew Political Typology Survey: Democratic Socialists are roughly 14% of the coalition, but they are the loudest end of the room right now. The Tea Party parallel is instructive: it sent 70 new members to Congress, a far larger structural presence than today's DSA, and yet Mitt Romney still won the 2012 nomination — after winning CPAC and adopting Tea Party positions like self-deportation that he wouldn't have touched otherwise. The DSA doesn't need a nominee to shape the debate; they need the nominee to pander convincingly enough that the progressives come along. The challenge, Dickerson warns, is that being 'handled' — managed rather than genuinely engaged — infuriates the progressive base and creates an opening for a candidate who will run explicitly as their champion. [1] — John Dickerson "The Pew Political Typology Survey shows Democratic Socialists are about 14% of the Democratic Party — but they're the loudest faction. The …" 32:45
The Pew Political Typology Survey shows Democratic Socialists are about 14% of the Democratic Party — but they're the loudest faction. The Tea Party analogy is instructive: a noisy minority can reshape a party's platform without winning the nomination.
According to the Pew Political Typology Survey, Democratic Socialists make up about 14% of the Democratic Party coalition but are the loudest faction.
A total of 8 states have filed lawsuits against social media platforms, including an ongoing case in Tennessee, using product liability and public nuisance theories to seek accountability.
France built 56 nuclear plants in the 1970s and now has the cheapest energy in Europe, making it independent of Russian or Middle Eastern energy geopolitics.
Estonia has a single tax form, a law preventing the government from asking citizens for the same information twice, and a flat rate of tax — enabling competitive taxation.
Portugal's Lisbon, once a city with a major heroin problem, legalised drugs and redirected enforcement spending into rehabilitation and housing, dramatically reducing crime.
The first Boland Amendment banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras passed the House unanimously — yet the Reagan administration ignored it.
Over just two years, Saudi Arabia alone donated $32 million to the Contra rebels, giving loosely affiliated factions millions they had no way to spend on arms.
The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty raised $6.3 million for the Contras but only $3.3 million reached them — a shockingly low 52% program expense rate.
Richard Secord and Albert Hakim marked up their arms shipments to the Contras by as much as 300%, making enormous personal profits from the covert operation.
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, tapped to run the entire covert Contra support operation, had no prior experience in covert operations whatsoever — he was learning as he went.
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