Snapshot · We Need To Talk with Paul C. Brunson
Colton's husband Jordan C. Brown is a leading Democratic political strategist, creating interesting political conversations with Colton's conservative family.
Where this was said
At 1:21:16 · chapter starts 1:19:42
Gus Kenworthy organised a rooftop party in downtown LA for 30 gay men to welcome Colton into the community after his coming-out documentary wrapped. Jordan was there; they barely spoke. Two months later, fate stuck them in Provincetown together for a rainy Memorial Day weekend with no escape from each other's company. They fell in love over one weekend. On one of their first proper dates, Jordan mentioned wanting kids. Colton said so did he. That level of intentionality and alignment on a first date felt unmissable, and it was. Five years later — married for two — they are co-parenting son Bishop together.
Colton met Jordan at the wrap party for his Netflix coming-out documentary, barely spoke. Two months later they were stuck inside together all weekend in Provincetown in the rain — and fell in love. On one of their first dates Jordan said he wanted kids. So did Colton. That was it.
In 13 US states it's still legal to refuse same-sex couples in adoption. Colton and Jordan navigated two-plus years of surrogacy, birth certificates listing wrong parents, and nurses refusing entry — and Colton argues the sheer intentionality of the process proves gay parents' commitment before day one.
A total of 8 states have filed lawsuits against social media platforms, including an ongoing case in Tennessee, using product liability and public nuisance theories to seek accountability.
France built 56 nuclear plants in the 1970s and now has the cheapest energy in Europe, making it independent of Russian or Middle Eastern energy geopolitics.
Estonia has a single tax form, a law preventing the government from asking citizens for the same information twice, and a flat rate of tax — enabling competitive taxation.
Portugal's Lisbon, once a city with a major heroin problem, legalised drugs and redirected enforcement spending into rehabilitation and housing, dramatically reducing crime.
The first Boland Amendment banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras passed the House unanimously — yet the Reagan administration ignored it.
Over just two years, Saudi Arabia alone donated $32 million to the Contra rebels, giving loosely affiliated factions millions they had no way to spend on arms.
The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty raised $6.3 million for the Contras but only $3.3 million reached them — a shockingly low 52% program expense rate.
Richard Secord and Albert Hakim marked up their arms shipments to the Contras by as much as 300%, making enormous personal profits from the covert operation.
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, tapped to run the entire covert Contra support operation, had no prior experience in covert operations whatsoever — he was learning as he went.
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