The Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that states may accept mail-in ballots arriving after Election Day if postmarked by Election Day, a Trump loss.
Snapshot · The Bulwark Podcast
The Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that states may accept mail-in ballots arriving after Election Day if postmarked by Election Day, a Trump loss.
Where this was said
At 33:30 · chapter starts 26:40
The newest ruling, dropping just before recording, gets less analytical polish because of the timing but prompts one of the episode's sharper exchanges on first principles. Miller is skeptical — campaign committees having to pay higher ad rates doesn't feel like a First Amendment violation to him, and he questions whether campaign committees have First Amendment rights at all. French zooms out to first principles: the First Amendment exists precisely to protect political participation, and the labyrinth of campaign finance regulations is really a subsidy for the wealthy, because only well-funded actors can afford the lawyers to navigate it legally. [1] — Tim Miller "The Supreme Court's 6-3 ruling on coordinated party-candidate spending is another brick out of the campaign finance wall. The system is now…" 25:45 He actually likes the idea of more coordination between parties and candidates — the weird prohibition on that coordination had empowered super PACs to a massive and distorting degree. Both agree the whole system is incoherent whack-a-mole: every fix for the last problem creates a new one, and the current structure — unlimited super PAC money alongside a $7,000 candidate limit — makes no sense. Miller jokes he might sue over his own First Amendment rights.
A total of 8 states have filed lawsuits against social media platforms, including an ongoing case in Tennessee, using product liability and public nuisance theories to seek accountability.
France built 56 nuclear plants in the 1970s and now has the cheapest energy in Europe, making it independent of Russian or Middle Eastern energy geopolitics.
Estonia has a single tax form, a law preventing the government from asking citizens for the same information twice, and a flat rate of tax — enabling competitive taxation.
Portugal's Lisbon, once a city with a major heroin problem, legalised drugs and redirected enforcement spending into rehabilitation and housing, dramatically reducing crime.
The first Boland Amendment banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras passed the House unanimously — yet the Reagan administration ignored it.
Over just two years, Saudi Arabia alone donated $32 million to the Contra rebels, giving loosely affiliated factions millions they had no way to spend on arms.
The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty raised $6.3 million for the Contras but only $3.3 million reached them — a shockingly low 52% program expense rate.
Richard Secord and Albert Hakim marked up their arms shipments to the Contras by as much as 300%, making enormous personal profits from the covert operation.
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, tapped to run the entire covert Contra support operation, had no prior experience in covert operations whatsoever — he was learning as he went.
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