Zohran Mamdani cannot run for the US presidency because he was born in Uganda, not the United States.
Zohran Mamdani's endorsed candidates flipped entrenched Democratic seats by 30-point margins — and he can't even run for president because he was born in Uganda.
The Rest Is Politics
Zohran Mamdani's endorsed candidates flipped entrenched Democratic seats by 30-point margins — and he can't even run for president because he was born in Uganda.
TL;DR
Rory Stewart and Alastair Campbell tackle a packed Question Time, opening with Zohran Mamdani's stunning New York primary victories — where his endorsed candidates unseated entrenched Democratic incumbents by up to 30 points [1] — Rory Stewart "30-point margin victory: Brad Lander defeated two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic p…" 04:18 — and debating whether his socialist brand helps or damages Democrats nationally [2] — Rory Stewart "Mamdani backed three candidates against sitting Democratic incumbents and won all three, including a 30-point demolition of AIPAC-backed Da…" 04:07 . They then assess anti-migrant vigilante groups in South Africa [3] — Rory Stewart "Vigilante groups Operation Dudula and March and March issued a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave South Africa, with no le…" 24:50 , Australia's emerging centrist party movement, JD Vance's Watergate comment, and the FIFA World Cup. The key takeaway: Mamdani is already operating as a national shadow campaign, and the Democrats face a near-impossible three-front battle in the midterms.
Rory Stewart and Alastair Campbell answer listener questions on Zohran Mamdani's shadow presidential campaign through primary endorsements, Australia's new centrist party and its UK applicability, South Africa's anti-migrant vigilante violence and its place in the global populist pattern, plus World Cup musings and JD Vance's Watergate comment.
Rory Stewart frames the episode around a deceptively simple but momentous question: how does an opposition party rebuild its identity after defeat? Against that backdrop, he previews the episode's key themes — Zohran Mamdani's stunning New York primary victories and what they mean for the Democratic Party's future; anti-migrant vigilante violence in South Africa; the emergence of a new centrist party in Australia; and, almost inevitably, the FIFA World Cup. The scene is set for a wide-ranging, politically charged hour of Question Time.
The hosts deliver a paid sponsorship read for Fuse Energy, highlighting that the company's tariffs are currently up to £200 below the Ofgem price cap. The segment promotes a new referral offer: if a listener recommends a friend who switches both gas and electricity to Fuse, both parties receive £50 off their next bill. The hosts emphasise the simplicity of the scheme — no prize draws, no complicated reward tiers — and urge listeners to switch in three minutes at fuseenergy.com/politics using the code POLITICS to also receive a free TRIP+ subscription.
A pre-recorded ad break runs two paid advertisers. The BetterHelp segment cites the company's own 2026 State of Stigma report, which found that 74% of Americans believe society still discourages seeking help, framing therapy as a way to 'close open tabs' in a cluttered mental life. The second advertiser, Tremfya, promotes its prescription biologic therapy for adults with moderately to severely active Crohn's disease and ulcerative colitis, including details on dosing schedules and a required phone number for more information.
Alastair Campbell welcomes listeners to The Rest Is Politics Question Time and briefly introduces the topics ahead: Mamdani and the future of the Democrats, Australia's new party, South Africa's anti-migrant crisis, and the World Cup. The key constitutional caveat is introduced at the outset: Mamdani cannot run for the US presidency because he was born in Uganda. This sets up the episode's central tension — a figure already operating as a national political force, constrained by birthplace, who must work through others to reshape American politics.
Rory Stewart delivers a precise accounting of Mamdani's primary campaign, explaining that he backed three candidates against sitting Democratic incumbents — something he compares to Sadiq Khan running hard-left candidates against sitting Labour MPs. The most dramatic win was Brad Lander defeating two-term AIPAC-backed congressman Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in Brooklyn. Even more striking was Dariel Azar Chevalier, aged just 33, defeating five-term incumbent Adriano Espaillat — chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus — in New York's 13th district. The victories spanned a $120,000 median-income district with 61% graduates and a $52,000 median-income area, one of New York's poorest, proving the wins cannot be dismissed as confined to any one demographic. [1] — Rory Stewart "30-point margin victory: Brad Lander defeated two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic p…" 04:18
Alastair Campbell argues that Mamdani's greatest political weapon is his communication: the ability to flip hostile questions into his own agenda without looking remotely defensive, illustrated vividly when he dived fully clothed into a pool at a mayoral swimming event and somehow just looked cool. [1] — Alastair Campbell "Mamdani has a unique ability to communicate effortlessly — redirecting hostile questions without looking defensive, and projecting an authe…" 06:10 But Campbell also identifies the serious threat: he dipped into Fox News and found the channel running Chevalier's most extreme positions — including her scepticism about sending anyone to prison for murder — as representative of the entire Democratic Party. He draws the analogy to how Defund the Police and Jeremy Corbyn were weaponised against their respective parties. Mamdani, he notes, even turned against people who had previously supported him to secure these more radical endorsees, showing a ruthlessness reminiscent of Andy Burnham.
Rory Stewart raises the spectre of Jeremy Corbyn: that the existence of radical figures on the left, however reasonable their positions might seem in a European context, will be deployed by opponents to define the entire party. He reveals that when he tried to explain to his son Sasha why Mamdani's positions would frighten American swing voters, Sasha replied that he agreed with everything Mamdani said and couldn't understand the problem. [1] — Rory Stewart "The existence of some people out on the far left will be used to brand it and it'll be seen by people like Trump as a gift because they'll …" 08:44 This generational gap in political perception is, Rory suggests, itself part of the story. He also notes that not all Democrats are following the same path — Ritchie Torres won his Bronx primary by 50 points on a pro-Israel platform, and the Democrats' candidate for New York 17 is a combat veteran, reflecting the party's simultaneous pull in opposite directions.
Alastair Campbell argues the real drama of the midterms will play out in the Senate, where Democrats need to win at least 5 of 7 battleground states: Maine, Michigan, North Carolina, Alaska, Iowa, Texas, and Ohio. Maine, Michigan, and North Carolina are rated likely pickups, but the mere fact that Alaska and Texas are being discussed as possible Democratic wins speaks volumes about Trump's unpopularity. Rory Stewart adds local colour on Maine, where Graham Plattner — a candidate whose tattoo the New York Times describes as resembling a Nazi symbol — is challenging Maine institution Susan Collins, a moderate Republican who has beaten Trump by 10 points in past midterms. The question is whether Plattner's raw social-media authenticity and criticism of Israel can overcome Collins' record of delivering for Maine.
Rory Stewart zooms in on roughly 18 House toss-up seats and identifies three fundamentally different types of contest the Democrats must navigate simultaneously. First, suburban fiscally conservative seats (like the Lower Hudson Valley and Pennsylvania swing districts) where the party must reassure voters alarmed by the far left. Second, classic red-wall-style de-industrialised white working-class seats like Scranton — Joe Biden's home — where Democrats compete with Trump's appeal to a post-union, post-industrial voter. Third, Latino-majority seats in California and Colorado where Democrats are losing ground because Latino voters are increasingly behaving like mainstream American voters: prioritising crime, faith, family, and law and order over ethnic-bloc loyalty. [1] — Rory Stewart "Democrats face an almost impossible electoral jiu-jitsu in the midterms: reassure fiscally conservative suburban voters in New York and Pen…" 13:20 Rory draws precise British analogies for each type — the Lib Dem suburban surge, the Red Wall collapse, and Muslim voters in Bradford shifting to Reform — to illustrate the structural challenge.
Alastair Campbell frames the Democratic Party's structural problem as a leadership vacuum: without a clear presidential candidate, Schumer and Jeffries are the recognised faces — but both are seen as negatives by the base, pushing campaigns to become hyperlocal. The base is also angry: these are the people who let Trump win despite him being a convicted felon. [1] — Rory Stewart "Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats jumped from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven by Gaza. For the first time in dec…" 17:40 Rory Stewart then introduces the most startling data point of the episode: Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats surged from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven entirely by Gaza. For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli. Yet Schumer and Jeffries remain AIPAC-funded — a growing contradiction that the midterms are likely to expose. Rory adds that Trump is doing what Mamdani does in reverse: mobilising his own base to topple sitting incumbents, as seen in the Kentucky race where Thomas Massie lost to a pro-Israel Trump candidate.
Alastair Campbell breaks the news mid-conversation that Scotland have been knocked out of the World Cup — prompting a moment of genuine shock from Rory Stewart ('What, are they out? When did that happen?'). The exchange provides a moment of levity before a brief question about JD Vance, and serves as a bridge to the longer World Cup discussion that follows later in the episode.
A question from a listener named Kieran prompts a sharp exchange about JD Vance's claim, made while promoting his book on his conversion to Catholicism, that if Watergate happened today it would be out of the news cycle in 24 hours. Alastair Campbell describes this as a sign of moral collapse in both the individual and the culture, arguing that Nixon was at least brought down because political culture in that era still had standards, even if those standards were imperfect. [1] — Alastair Campbell "JD Vance claimed Watergate would barely last a news cycle today — but Alastair Campbell did the maths: if it's a 12-hour story, the current…" 19:36 Rory Stewart adds a layer of absurdist irony: the person pointing out the shamelessness of political culture is Trump's own vice president. Then Campbell delivers his killer calculation — if Watergate is a 12-hour story, the administration is doing at least two things worse than Watergate every day. The segment closes with a comic coda: Vance appearing on his wife Usha's reading podcast, where he gave her what Alastair described as 'the most patronising pat on the leg I've ever seen'.
Alastair Campbell references the new book 'Regime Change' by Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan, recounting a startling anecdote: Trump invites Rupert Murdoch in for a conversation, with Rubio and Vance both present, and asks Murdoch directly which one he thinks is better. Murdoch rates Rubio as pretty good and Vance as having potential — a scene Campbell compares to putting them through some kind of Murdoch talent-show audition. 'I thought we were through the Murdoch era,' he observes drily, 'but clearly not.' The segment transitions to an ad break covering Carvana (7-day return policy) and Sally.com (college funding guidance).
Richard Cohen, a South African living in London, asks what to make of anti-immigration groups Operation Dudula and March and March, which set a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave — a deadline with no legal status, but which has already displaced tens of thousands. Rory Stewart contextualises: migrants represent only about 4% of South Africa's population (compared to about 17% in Britain), most coming from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe. He notes that most of the world's migrants are actually hosted in Africa and Asia, not Europe — a frequently overlooked fact. [1] — Rory Stewart "Vigilante groups Operation Dudula and March and March issued a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave South Africa, with no le…" 24:50 The most alarming element, he argues, is the vigilante dimension: militia groups mounting what he calls pogroms against migrants, a dynamic that in a 1930s context would be called Brownshirts. Alastair Campbell identifies the structural driver — massive youth unemployment in South Africa — and the information environment: these campaigns are built on misinformation, and one may be backed by pro-Russian actors seeking to expand Russian energy into South Africa. Displaced migrants are reduced to sheltering outside foreign embassies.
Alastair Campbell admits the World Cup has surprised him — 48 teams sounded ridiculous, but seeing Cape Verde qualify and hold Spain was genuinely exciting. Rory Stewart notes the emotional resonance of watching Japan's fans, outnumbered 10 to 1, sing 'Vamos Nippon' throughout the entire game. Campbell observes that Trump — who was meant to be at the centre of the tournament — has been oddly absent, possibly after being booed at the New York Knicks and realising football won't keep him as the main attraction. He's torn over England vs DR Congo because Burnley's Twanzebe plays for Congo. Rory Stewart muses about how veteran players like Messi and Luka Modrić keep defying age, before Alastair drops the reveal: he will be captaining Modrić in a charity match in Croatia at the end of August.
Rory Stewart plugs the hosts' interview with Malcolm Turnbull on the companion podcast 'Leading', framing the former PM as a centrist conservative he's come to admire. The question from listener Noah asks how significant Australia's new centrist party is and whether something similar could happen in the UK. The political landscape has shifted dramatically: One Nation, once written off because compulsory and preferential voting disadvantaged minor parties, is now polling Pauline Hanson as preferred prime minister in some surveys. [1] — Alastair Campbell "One Nation polling Hanson as preferred PM: Some Australian polls now show Pauline Hanson as preferred prime minister, reflecting the unexpe…" 34:54 The Liberal Party's appointment of Tony Abbott — a Turnbull nemesis — as honorary president signals a hard-right turn, and Alastair Campbell predicts current Liberal leader Angus Taylor won't survive, tipping former SAS officer and big-thinker Andrew Hastie as a future leader. Hastie, crucially, has 'declared war' on One Nation rather than trying to out-flank them from the right — a contrast to the pattern seen elsewhere.
A listener's question about diary-keeping triggers a personal revelation from Rory Stewart: he has recently discovered his grandmother's diary, written almost exactly 100 years ago in the lead-up to her wedding. Far from a dull chronicle, it is — in his words — 'astonishingly frank' and 'pretty racy stuff', tracing a bright young thing's love life, doubts about marriage, and emotional journey through late 1920s and early 1930s London. His mother doesn't entirely approve of his reading it; his aunt suggested his grandmother probably didn't intend her grandson to find it. The diary's last entry effectively leads to Rory's own existence — his grandmother ultimately marrying his grandfather after significant ups and downs. Alastair Campbell connects this to a German novel he's reading by Charlotte Link, where a similar device — an old autobiography found in a remote Yorkshire cottage — structures the narrative. The conversation expands into Rory's ancestry DNA discoveries: suicides, an interracial marriage in the 1920s, and a cascade of family secrets that were simply never discussed.
George's question — does Alastair still keep a diary and has he ever missed a day? — opens a candid reflection. Campbell admits he rarely misses a day but has become 'much, much less disciplined' since making the mistake about ten years ago of switching from pen and ink to typing. He estimates he has several million words covering British politics up to the Ed Miliband era — a rich archive publishers regularly ask about — but acknowledges he's not ready to publish yet. [1] — Rory Stewart "Rory Stewart is heading into an 11-day silent Vipassana meditation retreat with no phone, no books, no writing materials and no conversatio…" 41:49 He teases that he has begun work on a new book, but won't say what it's about. Rory Stewart then announces he is heading into an 11-day silent Vipassana meditation retreat: rising at 4:30am, going to bed at 10pm, no phone, no books, no writing, no speech — meditating for up to 14 hours a day almost entirely surrounded by Burmese nationals. He admits he gets a different answer every time he's asked why he does it. Alastair's response to the meaning of life — 'You have to live it' — closes the exchange with wry simplicity.
With Rory heading into his silent retreat and Mehdi Hasan stepping in as co-host next week, the hosts deliver the TRIP+ summer sale promotional segment. An extra 20% off is available on annual memberships until the end of August using the code SUMMER26, giving access to ad-free listening, bonus episodes, and exclusive series. Alastair highlights series he's enjoyed — including Vicki Spratt's Gen Z series and a series on the funding of Reform — while Rory previews upcoming content on existential threats and AI. Listeners are directed to therestispolitics.com.
The episode closes with two final segments: a pre-recorded ad for Mint Mobile featuring Ryan Reynolds, promoting unlimited premium wireless for $15 per month with an upfront payment; and a cross-promotion for Goalhanger's sibling true-crime/espionage podcast 'The Rest Is Classified', previewing its new series on the murder of former KGB officer Alexander Litvinenko in London using a rare radioactive toxin. The preview teases a story of personal tragedy, state espionage, and political conspiracy reaching to the top of Putin's Russia — and an allegation that the British state suppressed the truth to protect its political relationships.
Chapter 4 · 03:20
Alastair Campbell welcomes listeners to The Rest Is Politics Question Time and briefly introduces the topics ahead: Mamdani and the future of the Democrats, Australia's new party, South Africa's anti-migrant crisis, and the World Cup. The key constitutional caveat is introduced at the outset: Mamdani cannot run for the US presidency because he was born in Uganda. This sets up the episode's central tension — a figure already operating as a national political force, constrained by birthplace, who must work through others to reshape American politics.
Zohran Mamdani cannot run for the US presidency because he was born in Uganda, not the United States.
Chapter 5 · 04:07
Rory Stewart delivers a precise accounting of Mamdani's primary campaign, explaining that he backed three candidates against sitting Democratic incumbents — something he compares to Sadiq Khan running hard-left candidates against sitting Labour MPs. The most dramatic win was Brad Lander defeating two-term AIPAC-backed congressman Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in Brooklyn. Even more striking was Dariel Azar Chevalier, aged just 33, defeating five-term incumbent Adriano Espaillat — chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus — in New York's 13th district. The victories spanned a $120,000 median-income district with 61% graduates and a $52,000 median-income area, one of New York's poorest, proving the wins cannot be dismissed as confined to any one demographic. [1] — Rory Stewart "30-point margin victory: Brad Lander defeated two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic p…" 04:18
Claims made here
Brad Lander defeated Dan Goldman, a two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent congressman, by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic primary.
Dariel Azar Chevalier, aged 33, defeated Adriano Espaillat, a five-term incumbent and chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, in New York's 13th district primary.
The median household income in Brad Lander's winning district is approximately $120,000, with 61% of residents holding graduate degrees.
The median household income in Dariel Chevalier's winning district (New York 13) is approximately $52,000, making it one of the poorest areas of New York.
Mamdani backed three candidates against sitting Democratic incumbents and won all three, including a 30-point demolition of AIPAC-backed Dan Goldman and a 33-year-old defeating a five-term congressman. He did it across wildly different districts — a $120k median-income area and a $52k one — proving this isn't a fluke of geography.
Brad Lander defeated two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent Dan Goldman by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic primary, backed by Mamdani.
Dariel Azar Chevalier, aged 33, defeated five-term incumbent Adriano Espaillat, chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, in New York's 13th district.
Mamdani's endorsed candidates won in wildly contrasting districts — one with a median income of $120,000 and 61% graduates, another with a median of $52,000.
Mamdani has a unique ability to communicate effortlessly — redirecting hostile questions without looking defensive, and projecting an authenticity that even Trump seems drawn to. When he dove fully clothed into a pool at a mayoral event, he just looked cool. That kind of political charisma is rare and is already making him an international figure.
Chapter 6 · 06:20
Alastair Campbell argues that Mamdani's greatest political weapon is his communication: the ability to flip hostile questions into his own agenda without looking remotely defensive, illustrated vividly when he dived fully clothed into a pool at a mayoral swimming event and somehow just looked cool. [1] — Alastair Campbell "Mamdani has a unique ability to communicate effortlessly — redirecting hostile questions without looking defensive, and projecting an authe…" 06:10 But Campbell also identifies the serious threat: he dipped into Fox News and found the channel running Chevalier's most extreme positions — including her scepticism about sending anyone to prison for murder — as representative of the entire Democratic Party. He draws the analogy to how Defund the Police and Jeremy Corbyn were weaponised against their respective parties. Mamdani, he notes, even turned against people who had previously supported him to secure these more radical endorsees, showing a ruthlessness reminiscent of Andy Burnham.
Mamdani's movement is already being used by Fox News to brand the entire Democratic Party as the radical left — exactly like Defund the Police and Corbyn were weaponised. The suburban, fiscally conservative voters Democrats need to flip seats in the Hudson Valley and Pennsylvania could be repelled by candidates who don't believe in prisons.
Chapter 7 · 09:05
Rory Stewart raises the spectre of Jeremy Corbyn: that the existence of radical figures on the left, however reasonable their positions might seem in a European context, will be deployed by opponents to define the entire party. He reveals that when he tried to explain to his son Sasha why Mamdani's positions would frighten American swing voters, Sasha replied that he agreed with everything Mamdani said and couldn't understand the problem. [1] — Rory Stewart "The existence of some people out on the far left will be used to brand it and it'll be seen by people like Trump as a gift because they'll …" 08:44 This generational gap in political perception is, Rory suggests, itself part of the story. He also notes that not all Democrats are following the same path — Ritchie Torres won his Bronx primary by 50 points on a pro-Israel platform, and the Democrats' candidate for New York 17 is a combat veteran, reflecting the party's simultaneous pull in opposite directions.
Claims made here
Ritchie Torres, pro-Israel Democrat representing a Bronx district, won his primary by 50 points against a radical left challenger.
Pro-Israel Democrat Ritchie Torres won his primary in a poor Bronx district by 50 points against a radical left challenger, showing Democrats are not uniformly moving left.
Chapter 8 · 11:00
Alastair Campbell argues the real drama of the midterms will play out in the Senate, where Democrats need to win at least 5 of 7 battleground states: Maine, Michigan, North Carolina, Alaska, Iowa, Texas, and Ohio. Maine, Michigan, and North Carolina are rated likely pickups, but the mere fact that Alaska and Texas are being discussed as possible Democratic wins speaks volumes about Trump's unpopularity. Rory Stewart adds local colour on Maine, where Graham Plattner — a candidate whose tattoo the New York Times describes as resembling a Nazi symbol — is challenging Maine institution Susan Collins, a moderate Republican who has beaten Trump by 10 points in past midterms. The question is whether Plattner's raw social-media authenticity and criticism of Israel can overcome Collins' record of delivering for Maine.
Claims made here
Graham Plattner, running against Susan Collins in Maine, has a tattoo described by the New York Times as appearing to be a Nazi symbol.
Susan Collins beat Trump by 10 points in Maine during previous midterms.
Democrats need to win at least 5 of 7 key Senate states to take the chamber, including Maine, Michigan, and North Carolina as likely pickups. But the fact that Alaska and Texas are even being discussed as Democratic possibilities is itself extraordinary evidence of how unpopular Trump has become.
Alastair Campbell argued Democrats must win at least 5 of 7 contested Senate states — Maine, Michigan, North Carolina, Alaska, Iowa, Texas, Ohio — to take the Senate.
Chapter 9 · 13:20
Rory Stewart zooms in on roughly 18 House toss-up seats and identifies three fundamentally different types of contest the Democrats must navigate simultaneously. First, suburban fiscally conservative seats (like the Lower Hudson Valley and Pennsylvania swing districts) where the party must reassure voters alarmed by the far left. Second, classic red-wall-style de-industrialised white working-class seats like Scranton — Joe Biden's home — where Democrats compete with Trump's appeal to a post-union, post-industrial voter. Third, Latino-majority seats in California and Colorado where Democrats are losing ground because Latino voters are increasingly behaving like mainstream American voters: prioritising crime, faith, family, and law and order over ethnic-bloc loyalty. [1] — Rory Stewart "Democrats face an almost impossible electoral jiu-jitsu in the midterms: reassure fiscally conservative suburban voters in New York and Pen…" 13:20 Rory draws precise British analogies for each type — the Lib Dem suburban surge, the Red Wall collapse, and Muslim voters in Bradford shifting to Reform — to illustrate the structural challenge.
Democrats face an almost impossible electoral jiu-jitsu in the midterms: reassure fiscally conservative suburban voters in New York and Pennsylvania, win back deindustrialised white working-class areas like Scranton, and stop Latino voters in California and Colorado drifting to Trump on crime, faith, and family. There's no single national message that can do all three.
Chapter 10 · 16:15
Alastair Campbell frames the Democratic Party's structural problem as a leadership vacuum: without a clear presidential candidate, Schumer and Jeffries are the recognised faces — but both are seen as negatives by the base, pushing campaigns to become hyperlocal. The base is also angry: these are the people who let Trump win despite him being a convicted felon. [1] — Rory Stewart "Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats jumped from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven by Gaza. For the first time in dec…" 17:40 Rory Stewart then introduces the most startling data point of the episode: Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats surged from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven entirely by Gaza. For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli. Yet Schumer and Jeffries remain AIPAC-funded — a growing contradiction that the midterms are likely to expose. Rory adds that Trump is doing what Mamdani does in reverse: mobilising his own base to topple sitting incumbents, as seen in the Kentucky race where Thomas Massie lost to a pro-Israel Trump candidate.
Claims made here
Pew surveys show that negative views of Israel among Democrats rose from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026.
For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli.
Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats jumped from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven by Gaza. For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli — yet Democratic leadership figures like Schumer and Jeffries remain AIPAC-funded.
Pew surveys show negative views of Israel among Democrats surged from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026, driven by the war in Gaza.
For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli, according to polling cited in the episode.
Chapter 12 · 19:16
A question from a listener named Kieran prompts a sharp exchange about JD Vance's claim, made while promoting his book on his conversion to Catholicism, that if Watergate happened today it would be out of the news cycle in 24 hours. Alastair Campbell describes this as a sign of moral collapse in both the individual and the culture, arguing that Nixon was at least brought down because political culture in that era still had standards, even if those standards were imperfect. [1] — Alastair Campbell "JD Vance claimed Watergate would barely last a news cycle today — but Alastair Campbell did the maths: if it's a 12-hour story, the current…" 19:36 Rory Stewart adds a layer of absurdist irony: the person pointing out the shamelessness of political culture is Trump's own vice president. Then Campbell delivers his killer calculation — if Watergate is a 12-hour story, the administration is doing at least two things worse than Watergate every day. The segment closes with a comic coda: Vance appearing on his wife Usha's reading podcast, where he gave her what Alastair described as 'the most patronising pat on the leg I've ever seen'.
Claims made here
JD Vance claimed that if the Watergate scandal happened today, it would be out of the news cycle within 24 hours and could not bring down a president.
JD Vance claimed Watergate would barely last a news cycle today — but Alastair Campbell did the maths: if it's a 12-hour story, the current administration is doing at least two things worse than Watergate every single day. The man pointing out the shamelessness of political culture is Donald Trump's own vice president.
JD Vance claimed that if the Watergate scandal happened today it would be out of the news cycle within 24 hours and couldn't bring down a president.
Alastair Campbell calculated that if Watergate is now a 12-hour story, the current administration is doing at least two things worse than Watergate every single day.
Chapter 13 · 21:50
Alastair Campbell references the new book 'Regime Change' by Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan, recounting a startling anecdote: Trump invites Rupert Murdoch in for a conversation, with Rubio and Vance both present, and asks Murdoch directly which one he thinks is better. Murdoch rates Rubio as pretty good and Vance as having potential — a scene Campbell compares to putting them through some kind of Murdoch talent-show audition. 'I thought we were through the Murdoch era,' he observes drily, 'but clearly not.' The segment transitions to an ad break covering Carvana (7-day return policy) and Sally.com (college funding guidance).
Chapter 14 · 24:50
Richard Cohen, a South African living in London, asks what to make of anti-immigration groups Operation Dudula and March and March, which set a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave — a deadline with no legal status, but which has already displaced tens of thousands. Rory Stewart contextualises: migrants represent only about 4% of South Africa's population (compared to about 17% in Britain), most coming from neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe. He notes that most of the world's migrants are actually hosted in Africa and Asia, not Europe — a frequently overlooked fact. [1] — Rory Stewart "Vigilante groups Operation Dudula and March and March issued a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave South Africa, with no le…" 24:50 The most alarming element, he argues, is the vigilante dimension: militia groups mounting what he calls pogroms against migrants, a dynamic that in a 1930s context would be called Brownshirts. Alastair Campbell identifies the structural driver — massive youth unemployment in South Africa — and the information environment: these campaigns are built on misinformation, and one may be backed by pro-Russian actors seeking to expand Russian energy into South Africa. Displaced migrants are reduced to sheltering outside foreign embassies.
Claims made here
Migrants represent approximately 4% of South Africa's population, compared to around 17% in Britain.
One of South Africa's anti-migrant campaigns is reportedly backed by individuals with a pro-Russian agenda related to Russian energy expansion into South Africa.
Vigilante groups Operation Dudula and March and March issued a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave South Africa, with no legal standing whatsoever. Tens of thousands have been displaced. Rory Stewart compared it to the Brownshirts of the 1930s — and noted that one of the campaigns may be backed by pro-Russian interests seeking to expand Russian energy into South Africa.
South African vigilante groups Operation Dudula and March and March set a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave, despite the deadline having no legal status.
Migrants make up roughly 4% of South Africa's population, far lower than comparable proportions in Britain, but anti-migrant sentiment is intense.
Chapter 16 · 33:00
Rory Stewart plugs the hosts' interview with Malcolm Turnbull on the companion podcast 'Leading', framing the former PM as a centrist conservative he's come to admire. The question from listener Noah asks how significant Australia's new centrist party is and whether something similar could happen in the UK. The political landscape has shifted dramatically: One Nation, once written off because compulsory and preferential voting disadvantaged minor parties, is now polling Pauline Hanson as preferred prime minister in some surveys. [1] — Alastair Campbell "One Nation polling Hanson as preferred PM: Some Australian polls now show Pauline Hanson as preferred prime minister, reflecting the unexpe…" 34:54 The Liberal Party's appointment of Tony Abbott — a Turnbull nemesis — as honorary president signals a hard-right turn, and Alastair Campbell predicts current Liberal leader Angus Taylor won't survive, tipping former SAS officer and big-thinker Andrew Hastie as a future leader. Hastie, crucially, has 'declared war' on One Nation rather than trying to out-flank them from the right — a contrast to the pattern seen elsewhere.
Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party is now polling her as preferred prime minister in some surveys, while the Liberal Party has made Tony Abbott — a Malcolm Turnbull nemesis — its honorary president, signalling a hard-right turn. Meanwhile, a new centrist party inspired by the Teal independents is forming, and Andrew Hastie has declared war on One Nation rather than trying to outflank them.
Some Australian polls now show Pauline Hanson as preferred prime minister, reflecting the unexpected strength of the far-right One Nation Party.
Chapter 17 · 36:40
A listener's question about diary-keeping triggers a personal revelation from Rory Stewart: he has recently discovered his grandmother's diary, written almost exactly 100 years ago in the lead-up to her wedding. Far from a dull chronicle, it is — in his words — 'astonishingly frank' and 'pretty racy stuff', tracing a bright young thing's love life, doubts about marriage, and emotional journey through late 1920s and early 1930s London. His mother doesn't entirely approve of his reading it; his aunt suggested his grandmother probably didn't intend her grandson to find it. The diary's last entry effectively leads to Rory's own existence — his grandmother ultimately marrying his grandfather after significant ups and downs. Alastair Campbell connects this to a German novel he's reading by Charlotte Link, where a similar device — an old autobiography found in a remote Yorkshire cottage — structures the narrative. The conversation expands into Rory's ancestry DNA discoveries: suicides, an interracial marriage in the 1920s, and a cascade of family secrets that were simply never discussed.
Rory Stewart discovered his grandmother's diary written almost exactly 100 years ago — a frank, racy account of her love life and thoughts on marriage in late 1920s London. The family didn't know it existed. It ends with her marriage to his grandfather, the act that eventually produced Rory himself.
Chapter 18 · 40:55
George's question — does Alastair still keep a diary and has he ever missed a day? — opens a candid reflection. Campbell admits he rarely misses a day but has become 'much, much less disciplined' since making the mistake about ten years ago of switching from pen and ink to typing. He estimates he has several million words covering British politics up to the Ed Miliband era — a rich archive publishers regularly ask about — but acknowledges he's not ready to publish yet. [1] — Rory Stewart "Rory Stewart is heading into an 11-day silent Vipassana meditation retreat with no phone, no books, no writing materials and no conversatio…" 41:49 He teases that he has begun work on a new book, but won't say what it's about. Rory Stewart then announces he is heading into an 11-day silent Vipassana meditation retreat: rising at 4:30am, going to bed at 10pm, no phone, no books, no writing, no speech — meditating for up to 14 hours a day almost entirely surrounded by Burmese nationals. He admits he gets a different answer every time he's asked why he does it. Alastair's response to the meaning of life — 'You have to live it' — closes the exchange with wry simplicity.
Alastair Campbell has kept a near-daily diary for decades and estimates he has several million words written up to the Ed Miliband era in British politics.
Rory Stewart is heading into an 11-day silent Vipassana meditation retreat with no phone, no books, no writing materials and no conversation — rising at 4:30am and meditating for up to 14 hours a day. He admits he gets a different answer every time he's asked why he does it.
Rory Stewart is about to begin an 11-day silent meditation retreat, rising at 4:30am with no phone, books or speech, meditating alongside Burmese nationals.
Chapter 19 · 44:25
With Rory heading into his silent retreat and Mehdi Hasan stepping in as co-host next week, the hosts deliver the TRIP+ summer sale promotional segment. An extra 20% off is available on annual memberships until the end of August using the code SUMMER26, giving access to ad-free listening, bonus episodes, and exclusive series. Alastair highlights series he's enjoyed — including Vicki Spratt's Gen Z series and a series on the funding of Reform — while Rory previews upcoming content on existential threats and AI. Listeners are directed to therestispolitics.com.
With Rory heading into a silent retreat, Mehdi Hasan will co-host The Rest Is Politics and Question Time next week. Alastair compares it to committing podcast adultery — after previously announcing his 'adultery' with Lewis Goodall.
No indexed bits in this chapter.
This episode
New York City mayor whose primary endorsements toppled multiple Democratic incumbents, sparking debate about whether he is running a shadow national campaign.
US President repeatedly referenced in the context of his political base, his unpopularity driving Democratic chances in the midterms, and his admiration for Mamdani.
US Vice President whose claim that Watergate would now be a 12-hour news story prompted a debate about moral collapse in American political culture.
33-year-old Mamdani-endorsed candidate who defeated five-term incumbent Adriano Espaillat in New York's 13th congressional district primary.
Former Australian Prime Minister recently interviewed on the hosts' companion podcast 'Leading', discussed as a centrist conservative figure.
Leader of Australia's far-right One Nation Party, now polling as preferred prime minister in some surveys.
Republican Senator from Maine facing a primary challenge from Graham Plattner, described as a moderate who has beaten Trump in Maine midterms by 10 points.
Mamdani-endorsed candidate who defeated AIPAC-backed incumbent Dan Goldman by 30 points in a high-income Brooklyn district Democratic primary.
Democratic Senate Minority Leader described as a net negative for the Democratic Party's image, seen as part of the failed establishment.
Media mogul featured in an anecdote from the book 'Regime Change' in which Trump asked him to rate Vance and Rubio as potential successors.
House Democratic Leader identified alongside Schumer as part of the cautious establishment Democrats want to move beyond after losing to Trump.
Australian far-right party led by Pauline Hanson that has surged unexpectedly in polls, exploiting dissatisfaction with the government's budget.
Pro-Israel lobbying group that backed defeated Democratic incumbents including Dan Goldman, with the episode noting it still funds Schumer and Jeffries despite a major Democratic shift in views on Israel.
South African vigilante anti-immigration group that issued a June 30 deadline for undocumented migrants to leave the country.
Setting for the anti-migrant vigilante crisis discussed in the episode, where groups with no legal authority displaced tens of thousands of undocumented migrants.
Stats
This episode
Factual claims made this episode, and whether a source was named.
Brad Lander defeated Dan Goldman, a two-term AIPAC-backed incumbent congressman, by a 30-point margin in the New York Democratic primary.
Dariel Azar Chevalier, aged 33, defeated Adriano Espaillat, a five-term incumbent and chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, in New York's 13th district primary.
The median household income in Brad Lander's winning district is approximately $120,000, with 61% of residents holding graduate degrees.
The median household income in Dariel Chevalier's winning district (New York 13) is approximately $52,000, making it one of the poorest areas of New York.
Pew surveys show that negative views of Israel among Democrats rose from 53% in 2022 to 80% in 2026.
For the first time in decades, Americans overall are more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli.
Ritchie Torres, pro-Israel Democrat representing a Bronx district, won his primary by 50 points against a radical left challenger.
JD Vance claimed that if the Watergate scandal happened today, it would be out of the news cycle within 24 hours and could not bring down a president.
Migrants represent approximately 4% of South Africa's population, compared to around 17% in Britain.
One of South Africa's anti-migrant campaigns is reportedly backed by individuals with a pro-Russian agenda related to Russian energy expansion into South Africa.
BetterHelp's 2026 State of Stigma report found that 74% of Americans believe society still discourages asking for help.
Fuse Energy's tariffs are currently up to £200 below the Ofgem price cap.
Graham Plattner, running against Susan Collins in Maine, has a tattoo described by the New York Times as appearing to be a Nazi symbol.
Susan Collins beat Trump by 10 points in Maine during previous midterms.
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