Dino Mavroukas noted that only 1% of the Department of War's budget is allocated to autonomous systems — far below what he believes is necessary.
Snapshot · All-In with Chamath, Jason, Sacks & Friedberg
Dino Mavroukas noted that only 1% of the Department of War's budget is allocated to autonomous systems — far below what he believes is necessary.
Where this was said
At 24:38 · chapter starts 21:25
Mavroukas pauses to define cost-plus contracting for a general audience: the government pays whatever it takes plus a 10–15% margin, meaning a contractor literally earns more by delivering late and over budget. He's careful not to ascribe malice — the incentive structure does the work on its own. Saronic's answer is to reject the model entirely [1] — Dino Mavroukas "Under cost-plus contracts, a defense prime makes more money the longer a project takes and the more it costs. That's not a bug — it's been …" 21:25 . In roughly four years, the company has raised $2.5 billion in private capital and deployed it on R&D and physical assets. When Saronic decided to build Marauder — a 180-foot autonomous warship — they did it on IRAD, internal research and development funds, without waiting for a government contract. That's the reverse of what legacy primes do, where investor pressure demands share buybacks rather than long-term investment. Mavroukas welcomes the current administration's push toward acquisition reform and firm fixed-price contracting, but issues a frank caveat: the transformation is in its earliest days, and the 1% of the defense budget currently allocated to autonomous systems needs to multiply many times over if the US is to close the gap with China.
Under cost-plus contracts, a defense prime makes more money the longer a project takes and the more it costs. That's not a bug — it's been the system for decades. Saronic is building on firm fixed-price contracts with private capital instead.
In roughly 4 years, Saronic has raised $2.5 billion in private capital to fund R&D and shipyard development without relying on cost-plus government contracts.
Iran's strategy in the Strait of Hormuz relies on cheap mass — fast attack vessels, drones, floating mines — to overwhelm traditional manned warships. Saronic's answer is to out-mass them with autonomous Corsairs, built at 2,000 per year, that can counter every threat vector without putting a single sailor at risk.
A total of 8 states have filed lawsuits against social media platforms, including an ongoing case in Tennessee, using product liability and public nuisance theories to seek accountability.
France built 56 nuclear plants in the 1970s and now has the cheapest energy in Europe, making it independent of Russian or Middle Eastern energy geopolitics.
Estonia has a single tax form, a law preventing the government from asking citizens for the same information twice, and a flat rate of tax — enabling competitive taxation.
Portugal's Lisbon, once a city with a major heroin problem, legalised drugs and redirected enforcement spending into rehabilitation and housing, dramatically reducing crime.
The first Boland Amendment banning CIA and Defense Department funds for the Contras passed the House unanimously — yet the Reagan administration ignored it.
Over just two years, Saudi Arabia alone donated $32 million to the Contra rebels, giving loosely affiliated factions millions they had no way to spend on arms.
The National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty raised $6.3 million for the Contras but only $3.3 million reached them — a shockingly low 52% program expense rate.
Richard Secord and Albert Hakim marked up their arms shipments to the Contras by as much as 300%, making enormous personal profits from the covert operation.
Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, tapped to run the entire covert Contra support operation, had no prior experience in covert operations whatsoever — he was learning as he went.
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