The SAVE Act would require all Americans to show passports or birth certificates to register to vote.
Trump Sabotages Trump Agenda
Trump killed his own bipartisan housing bill to chase a voter ID law that would disenfranchise his own working-class base — and none of his Republican allies would tell him that to his face.
Pod Save America
Trump Sabotages Trump Agenda
Trump killed his own bipartisan housing bill to chase a voter ID law that would disenfranchise his own working-class base — and none of his Republican allies would tell him that to his face.
TL;DR
Trump torched a rare bipartisan housing affordability win minutes before its signing ceremony, demanding Congress first pass the SAVE Act — a voter ID bill that has failed five Senate votes and would likely hurt his own base [1] — Jon Favreau "Minutes before a bipartisan housing affordability bill signing, Trump canceled it and demanded Congress pass the SAVE Act first. The SAVE A…" 03:30 . Jon Favreau and Dan Pfeiffer break down the chaos, then unpack Tuesday's New York primary upsets where three DSA-aligned candidates won, including a novice who openly opposes prisons, borders, and all deportations [2] — Dan Pfeiffer "From 1946 to 2024, over 98% of House incumbents have won their party primaries. Two losing on the same night — including the chair of the C…" 27:30 . JD Vance's robotic knee-pat on his wife goes viral. Texas Democratic gubernatorial nominee Gina Hinojosa explains why flipping Texas in 2026 could decide control of Congress for a decade [3] — Gina Hinojosa "Texas will redraw congressional maps next year with no Voting Rights Act guardrails. If Republicans control the governorship, Democrats cou…" 1:33:10 .
Donald Trump cancels a landmark bipartisan housing bill signing to demand the SAVE Act; Jon Favreau and Dan Pfeiffer analyze the fallout with Senate Republicans. Three DSA-aligned candidates win New York City primaries. JD Vance's charm offensive backfires. Texas Democratic gubernatorial nominee Gina Hinojosa explains her race against Greg Abbott.
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The episode opens with sponsor reads for SimpliSafe, pitching its home security system to summer travelers with a 50% off promotion for listeners at simplisafe.com/crooked. A Shopify testimonial from a small business owner follows, with OnDeck rounding out the pre-roll block. These are straightforward paid integrations before the hosts take the mic.
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Jon Favreau opens with a crisp tease of the episode's four main stories, framing Trump's housing move with characteristic sarcasm: the president touts a major affordability accomplishment 'as only he knows how — by canceling it.' Dan Pfeiffer briefly notes the Polar Coaster episode that covered the New York primaries and Dobbs. The hosts pitch the Crooked Media subscription tier — ad-free episodes, subscriber-only shows, and newsletters — before diving into the news.
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Jon Favreau lays out the facts: a bipartisan housing bill that would reduce building barriers and limit big investors' purchases of single-family homes was moments from being signed when Trump blew it up via Truth Social, demanding the SAVE Act — which requires passports or birth certificates to register to vote — first. [1] — Jon Favreau "Minutes before a bipartisan housing affordability bill signing, Trump canceled it and demanded Congress pass the SAVE Act first. The SAVE A…" 03:30 The hosts play Trump's Oval Office justification, in which he explains he made billions in housing and knows it's really about interest rates, not supply. Dan Pfeiffer calls the decision simply 'crazy,' painting the picture of a vulnerable Republican congressman who woke up expecting to claim a bipartisan win and instead got a surreal demand for a bill that has failed the Senate five times and would disproportionately harm the working-class voters that now form the GOP's core. The SAVE Act would also effectively end online and automatic voter registration. Pfeiffer notes the deepest irony: the thing Trump wants most is the one thing his own party can't give him, and it's driving him 'even more bananas than usual.' Jon flags reporting that Trump told advisers directly: 'no one gives a shit about housing,' while the SAVE Act slogan gets crowds on their feet at rallies.
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After canceling the bill signing, Trump attended a Senate Republican lunch that quickly descended into chaos. [1] — Jon Favreau "After canceling the housing bill signing, Trump attended a Senate lunch where he berated Republicans over Iran and got into a shouting matc…" 12:10 According to Jon Favreau's account drawn from CNN and Punchbowl reporting, Trump berated senators over Iran, got into a shouting match with Bill Cassidy — a senator he recently helped push out of office — calling him a lunatic. Cassidy called Trump 'brother'; Trump told him he wasn't his brother. Cassidy eventually sat down, then changed his Iran war powers vote after receiving a White House briefing. Trump also noted that every senator who voted to convict him at impeachment is gone — then glanced at Lisa Murkowski, who was still there. Dan Pfeiffer zeroes in on the structural failure: not one Senate Republican, including those not up for reelection, told Trump to his face that the SAVE Act mathematically cannot pass. Ana Paulina Luna has meanwhile blocked all House floor business until the Senate passes the SAVE Act, paralyzing the chamber. The hosts then move to the $88 billion Iran war supplemental — a politically toxic ask given that 69% of Americans say the conflict wasn't worth the cost. [2] — Dan Pfeiffer "69% say Iran war not worth the cost: A CBS poll found that 69% of Americans think the Iran war has not been worth the cost, making the $88 …" 17:20 With gas prices still elevated and Medicaid cuts fresh, the vote will be a live grenade for Republican incumbents heading into the midterms.
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The hosts pause for sponsor reads. Nutrafol is pitched as the number-one dermatologist-recommended hair growth supplement brand, with a $10 off offer at nutrafol.com/crooked. ZBiotics is introduced as a genetically engineered probiotic designed to break down the toxic byproduct of alcohol metabolism, with hosts offering a 15% off code at zbiotics.com/crooked. Dan Pfeiffer gives an enthusiastic personal endorsement, advising listeners to try it with two or three drinks on any given night.
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Jon Favreau walks through the three races: In the 7th District, Claire Valdez won an open seat. In the 10th, progressive Brad Lander — a citywide official backed by Mayor Mamdani — defeated incumbent Dan Goldman in a race largely about Israel. The biggest shock came in the 13th, where four-term Congressman Adriano Espaillat, head of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the first undocumented immigrant to serve in Congress, lost to Darielyza Avila Chevalier, a DSA-aligned community organizer who supports abolishing prisons, police, and all deportations. The hosts note that mainstream Democrats also won elsewhere in New York that night, but the three headline losses are dominating the conversation. Audio clips from James Carville demanding a party schism, Mamdani celebrating the democratic energy, and Hakeem Jeffries refusing to take the bait and keeping focus on Trump anchor the segment's emotional texture.
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Pfeiffer opens with the historical stat: since 1946, over 98% of House incumbents win renomination, making Tuesday's double loss extraordinary. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "From 1946 to 2024, over 98% of House incumbents have won their party primaries. Two losing on the same night — including the chair of the C…" 27:30 He distinguishes the three races: Valdez is a standard DSA candidate in the mold of AOC; Lander is a mainstream progressive with high name ID and mayoral backing who immediately pledged to work with frontline moderates; and Chevalier is a genuinely different case — the most far-left candidate to win a Democratic primary in modern memory. Jon Favreau then delivers a pointed assessment: Chevalier attended an October 8th rally condemned by Mamdani, AOC, and Lander; a week before winning she told the NY editorial board she opposes all deportations and refused four times to name any prison sentence appropriate for a convicted murderer. Democrats, Favreau argues, need to say clearly that her views range from 'moronic to abhorrent' — not to lump her in with DSA broadly, but because saying nothing makes voters think the party agrees. The broader pattern Pfeiffer identifies is unmistakable: Justice Democrats, DSA, and Our Revolution are out-organizing, out-fundraising, and out-maneuvering the party establishment in race after race, and Schumer or Jeffries endorsements have become liabilities rather than assets.
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Jon and Dan survey the next wave of progressive primaries: Abdul El-Sayed leads the Michigan Senate race against Mallory McMorrow and Haley Stevens; DSA state rep Francesca Hong is running for Wisconsin governor; DSA candidate Melat Quiros challenges Diana DeGette in Colorado. Pfeiffer is careful not to make the electability argument against these candidates — he notes that dismissing liberal nominees as unelectable has been wrong before, and that running a smart, state-appropriate campaign matters more than ideological label. A key data point emerges: Gallup shows 66% of Democrats view socialism favorably, with men 30–44 — millennials who came of age in the Great Recession — showing the highest favorability of any cohort. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "Dan Pfeiffer identifies three reasons the Democratic base has turned on the party establishment: anger that leadership hasn't stood up to T…" 38:15 Favreau argues the number reflects frustration with capitalism, not ideology: when people say 'socialism,' they picture Medicare for All, not abolishing prisons. Pfeiffer then distills the three forces powering anti-establishment energy: anger that Democrats failed to stand up to Trump, perception of corporate capture, and Israel-Gaza — with the Gaza issue particularly prominent in the Goldman and Chevalier races. And Favreau adds a fourth: the original sin of losing to Trump twice, after his criminal conviction and January 6th.
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Dan Pfeiffer anchors the Rocket Money read with a personal anecdote: he discovered he'd been charged $10 a month for a streaming service he and his wife watched once during the pandemic and forgot to cancel. Rocket Money is pitched as saving users over $880 million in canceled subscriptions, with a plug for its spending tracker and real-time alert features at rocketmoney.com/crooked. The Fast Growing Trees nursery ad follows, with the hosts riffing on the 'proof is in the planting' tagline before landing the 20% off code at fastgrowingtrees.com.
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The hosts set up the Vance segment with the Maggie Haberman / Jonathan Swan book anecdote: at a White House dinner, Trump asked Rupert Murdoch to rate Rubio and Vance in front of both men. Murdoch called Rubio 'brilliant' and said Vance 'has the potential to be great,' which Vance tried to laugh off. [1] — Jon Favreau "JD Vance told Ross Douthat that criticism of the administration's unchristian tone is really just elites policing 'working-class communicat…" 57:20 Then the hosts turn to the more consequential Douthat interview clip, where Vance argued that calling out Trump's 'tone of aggressive uncharity' is just elites policing working-class communication. Jon Favreau's reaction is visceral: Vance sounds like a right-wing version of a woke academic, the Manhattan billionaire calling Americans 'human scum' is not a working-class communication style, and asking people not to be cruel to neighbors is not an elite preference — it's Christian charity, the very thing Vance constantly invokes. Pfeiffer digs deeper into the contradiction: Vance came from poverty and rose through Ivy League education, venture capital, and Hollywood production to become Vice President — the definition of elite ascent — and now plays the anti-elitist while embodying every elite institution he once scorned. The segment is sharp, funny, and cuts to something real about the performance of authenticity in MAGA politics.
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The JD Vance segment closes with a lighter but no less revealing moment. Usha Vance hosts a YouTube series reading to children, and this week's special guest was her husband, the Vice President. The clip opens with Usha thanking JD for joining, calling him 'honey,' and JD responding 'Good to see ya' before reaching across and delivering two measured pats on his wife's knee — then withdrawing the hand and sitting in silence. Jon Favreau urges listeners to pause and watch it on YouTube. Dan Pfeiffer notes that if there is any moment where a public figure should be able to relax and be themselves, it's sitting with their spouse. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "On Usha Vance's YouTube series, JD Vance greeted his own wife with two fatherly pats on the knee, pulled his hand back, and then both of th…" 1:04:00 The hosts speculate about deleted takes — perhaps there are nine less affectionate knee pats on the White House cutting room floor — before closing with a shared joke that Rupert Murdoch must be reconsidering that 'potential to be great' assessment.
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Jon Favreau anchors the Sundays for Dogs read with an anecdote about their dog Leo's enthusiasm for the air-dried, human-quality food. Sundays is pitched as over 80% all-natural meats finished with superfoods, with 50% off at SundaysForDogs.com/Crooked50. ThirdLove follows with its bra-fitting pitch — over 60 sizes including half-cup options — offering $15 off at thirdlove.com with code PODCAST15. OnDeck rounds out the break with its small business lending pitch.
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Jon Favreau welcomes Gina Hinojosa, the Democratic gubernatorial nominee in Texas, for a wide-ranging conversation about her campaign. Hinojosa opens by invoking her upbringing in Brownsville on the Rio Grande border, where as a child she asked her father why there were beggars in Mexico but none when they crossed back into Texas — and his answer was the American dream, built on a strong middle class. She never planned to run for office; she made her husband promise they never would. But when Abbott's policies threatened to shut down her son's school, she ran for the school board and won. The Texas House came next. Now, she frames the entire governor's race as a fight against 'the Greg Abbott corruption tax' — a system in which donor money drives policy, Texans pay 75% more in property taxes, 100+ schools are closing, 150+ districts have gone to 4-day weeks, and Corpus Christi risks running out of water. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Texas has 100+ schools closing, 150+ districts on 4-day weeks, the most uninsured children of any state, property taxes up 75%, and Corpus …" 1:12:10 Her father's decade as Texas Democratic Party chair taught her one primary lesson: she did not want that life. But the legislature showed her that all Texas's problems trace back to the same root cause.
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Jon Favreau confronts Hinojosa with the structural challenge: Abbott has over $100 million, and 33% of Texas voters told a recent poll they don't know enough about her to form an opinion. [1] — Jon Favreau "Abbott sitting on $100M+ campaign war chest: Greg Abbott has more than $100 million in his campaign account heading into the 2026 Texas gub…" 1:15:12 Hinojosa's response is strategically sharp: money matters when you need to tell people who you are — but Abbott's problem is that Texans already know who he is, and they don't want it anymore. The number-one response she hears when people find out she's running against Abbott is genuine surprise: 'He can run again? Don't we have term limits?' Her name ID has climbed 20 points since late last year; the polling gap has closed from 9 points down to 5 points. She describes organizing the state into 7 regions and running full congressional-style campaigns in each. The anti-incumbency energy she describes isn't abstract — it's the same force driving upsets across the country, and in Texas it's compounded by over a decade of Abbott delivering more for donors than for voters.
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Jon Favreau asks what is actually happening to Texas public schools, and Hinojosa's answer is a precise political autopsy. She and James Salazar co-chaired the fight against vouchers in 2023, successfully recruiting rural Republicans to vote with them. Abbott's response was to spend $1 million per race to primary those Republicans out of office. With the rural opposition gone, vouchers passed. The voucher money, she argues, isn't flowing to better education — it's flowing to vendors connected to Abbott donors, exemplified by the $12 million contribution from out-of-state billionaire Jeff Yaz, the largest in Texas history. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Abbott received $12M — largest TX campaign contribution: Greg Abbott received a $12 million contribution from out-of-state billionaire Jeff…" 1:26:30 Abbott's takeover of Houston ISD and push to replace teachers with 'education guides' in 100 AI schools is another front in the same war: extract money from public education, deliver it to connected interests. Hinojosa's positive vision is deliberately unglamorous: back to basics, pay teachers their worth, certify teachers properly — Texas is now hiring more uncertified teachers than certified ones, and one neighboring district's top source of new hires is foreign countries. She argues that Democrats have lost touch with this simple truth because nobody gets rich from paying teachers.
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Jon Favreau probes the tension between Democratic assumptions about Latino voters and the 2024 reality. Hinojosa's analysis is pointed: Democrats have allowed Republicans to set the terms of the debate, spending energy on culture war fights instead of the core economic message. Her math is simple — if she hits Beto's 2018 mark of 64% of the Latino vote, she wins, because the Latino share of the Texas electorate has grown since then. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "In 2018, Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote and came within 2.5 points of winning Texas statewide. The Latino share of the Texas elec…" 1:31:00 Taylor Ramette's 79% Latino support in the Tarrant County state Senate flip demonstrates what's possible. She is candid about immigration: she grew up on the border and wants real border security. The district attorney in Harris County, she notes, cannot prosecute child sex abuse cases because witnesses have been detained, deported, or are too afraid — making the current approach less safe, not more. She is equally candid that it is hard to ask Americans to be generous with immigration when they feel the American dream is out of reach for themselves. And she calls Biden's late-term border management a failure of leadership, noting that when she escalated the issue in December before his final year, a Biden-brokered enforcement deal with Mexico caused crossings to plummet almost immediately.
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Jon Favreau asks the case for prioritizing Texas over other competitive races. Hinojosa's answer is structural and stark: after the Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act, Texas Republicans have promised to redraw congressional maps next year. Under a Republican governor, Democrats could lose 5 congressional seats immediately, with another 4 to 5 following census-driven seat gains — a total of nearly 10 seats gone. The Texas governor controls 10% of Congress. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Texas will redraw congressional maps next year with no Voting Rights Act guardrails. If Republicans control the governorship, Democrats cou…" 1:33:10 She frames this as existential for any Democratic path to a House majority. The screwworm crisis — a flesh-eating livestock parasite eradicated 60 years ago and now back in Texas due in part to DOGE-driven federal cuts to prevention programs — illustrates the cost of Abbott's inability to push back on Trump even when Texas ranchers suffer. Abbott has said nothing critical of the administration despite a Texas Secretary of Agriculture in the cabinet. Favreau closes the interview by noting that as Midwestern states drift redder, Texas's growth and potential flip become mathematically necessary for Democratic presidential math as well. The episode ends with credits and a tease of Dan Pfeiffer's upcoming interview with Strict Scrutiny's Leah Lippman.
- SAVE Act
- The Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, a bill requiring passports or birth certificates to register to vote and photo ID to cast a ballot; has failed five Senate votes.
- DSA
- Democratic Socialists of America, a left-wing political organization whose endorsed candidates have been winning Democratic primaries across the country.
- Filibuster
- Senate procedure requiring 60 votes to end debate and move to a vote, effectively blocking most legislation from passing without bipartisan support.
- Reconciliation
- A Senate procedure that allows budget-related legislation to pass with only 51 votes instead of the usual 60, bypassing the filibuster.
- War Powers Resolution
- A federal law requiring the president to notify Congress within 48 hours of committing armed forces and limiting unauthorized military engagements to 60 days.
- CHC
- Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the organization of Latino members of the U.S. House of Representatives; Adriano Espaillat was its chair before losing his primary.
- DCCC
- Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the House Democrats' campaign arm that recruits and funds candidates for competitive seats.
- Redistricting
- The process of redrawing congressional and legislative district boundaries, typically after each census; controlling this process can lock in partisan advantages for a decade.
- Vouchers (school)
- Government-funded certificates allowing families to use public education funds for private school tuition; central to Gina Hinojosa's criticism of Greg Abbott's education policy.
- New World screwworm
- A flesh-eating parasite (Cochliomyia hominivorax) that infests livestock; eradicated from the U.S. 60 years ago but recently detected in Texas cattle again.
- Our Revolution
- A progressive political organization founded by Bernie Sanders supporters after his 2016 campaign that endorses left-leaning candidates in Democratic primaries.
- Justice Democrats
- A progressive PAC that recruits and funds left-wing Democratic primary challengers against establishment incumbents; helped elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
- astroturfed
- Describing a political movement that appears to be grassroots but is actually orchestrated and funded by outside interests; used here to characterize the Tea Party.
- obsequious
- Excessively compliant or deferential to the point of servility; used by Dan Pfeiffer to describe Trump advisors who won't challenge him.
- name ID
- Name identification — the percentage of voters who recognize a candidate's name; a key measure of a challenger's viability in a large-state race.
- Voting Rights Act
- Landmark 1965 federal law prohibiting discriminatory voting practices; recent Supreme Court decisions have weakened its protections, especially around redistricting.
- no-bid contract
- A government contract awarded without a competitive bidding process; cited by Hinojosa as evidence of Abbott directing $1 billion to his donors.
- antipathy
- A deep-seated aversion or hostility; used to describe the Democratic base's feelings toward the party establishment.
Chapter 2 · 02:15
Welcome & Episode Preview
Jon Favreau opens with a crisp tease of the episode's four main stories, framing Trump's housing move with characteristic sarcasm: the president touts a major affordability accomplishment 'as only he knows how — by canceling it.' Dan Pfeiffer briefly notes the Polar Coaster episode that covered the New York primaries and Dobbs. The hosts pitch the Crooked Media subscription tier — ad-free episodes, subscriber-only shows, and newsletters — before diving into the news.
Claims made here
The SAVE Act, which Trump is demanding Congress pass before he signs the housing bill, has failed to pass in the Senate five times.
Minutes before a bipartisan housing affordability bill signing, Trump canceled it and demanded Congress pass the SAVE Act first. The SAVE Act has failed the Senate five times, and would disenfranchise the working-class voters who are the core of Trump's base — and none of his advisors or Senate allies would say so to his face.
Chapter 3 · 03:35
Trump Kills the Housing Bill to Demand the SAVE Act
Jon Favreau lays out the facts: a bipartisan housing bill that would reduce building barriers and limit big investors' purchases of single-family homes was moments from being signed when Trump blew it up via Truth Social, demanding the SAVE Act — which requires passports or birth certificates to register to vote — first. [1] — Jon Favreau "Minutes before a bipartisan housing affordability bill signing, Trump canceled it and demanded Congress pass the SAVE Act first. The SAVE A…" 03:30 The hosts play Trump's Oval Office justification, in which he explains he made billions in housing and knows it's really about interest rates, not supply. Dan Pfeiffer calls the decision simply 'crazy,' painting the picture of a vulnerable Republican congressman who woke up expecting to claim a bipartisan win and instead got a surreal demand for a bill that has failed the Senate five times and would disproportionately harm the working-class voters that now form the GOP's core. The SAVE Act would also effectively end online and automatic voter registration. Pfeiffer notes the deepest irony: the thing Trump wants most is the one thing his own party can't give him, and it's driving him 'even more bananas than usual.' Jon flags reporting that Trump told advisers directly: 'no one gives a shit about housing,' while the SAVE Act slogan gets crowds on their feet at rallies.
Claims made here
The SAVE Act has failed to pass the Senate five times.
Congress has enough votes to override a Trump veto of the housing bill.
The housing bill would become law in 10 days even without Trump's signature.
A majority of Americans do not have passports, and those without them are disproportionately working class and non-college educated.
A majority of Americans do not have passports, and those without them are disproportionately working class and non-college educated — the core of Trump's base.
Chapter 4 · 12:10
Senate Lunch Goes Sideways: Cassidy vs. Trump & The $88 Billion War Bill
After canceling the bill signing, Trump attended a Senate Republican lunch that quickly descended into chaos. [1] — Jon Favreau "After canceling the housing bill signing, Trump attended a Senate lunch where he berated Republicans over Iran and got into a shouting matc…" 12:10 According to Jon Favreau's account drawn from CNN and Punchbowl reporting, Trump berated senators over Iran, got into a shouting match with Bill Cassidy — a senator he recently helped push out of office — calling him a lunatic. Cassidy called Trump 'brother'; Trump told him he wasn't his brother. Cassidy eventually sat down, then changed his Iran war powers vote after receiving a White House briefing. Trump also noted that every senator who voted to convict him at impeachment is gone — then glanced at Lisa Murkowski, who was still there. Dan Pfeiffer zeroes in on the structural failure: not one Senate Republican, including those not up for reelection, told Trump to his face that the SAVE Act mathematically cannot pass. Ana Paulina Luna has meanwhile blocked all House floor business until the Senate passes the SAVE Act, paralyzing the chamber. The hosts then move to the $88 billion Iran war supplemental — a politically toxic ask given that 69% of Americans say the conflict wasn't worth the cost. [2] — Dan Pfeiffer "69% say Iran war not worth the cost: A CBS poll found that 69% of Americans think the Iran war has not been worth the cost, making the $88 …" 17:20 With gas prices still elevated and Medicaid cuts fresh, the vote will be a live grenade for Republican incumbents heading into the midterms.
Claims made here
A CBS poll found 69% of Americans think the Iran war has not been worth the cost.
After canceling the housing bill signing, Trump attended a Senate lunch where he berated Republicans over Iran and got into a shouting match with Bill Cassidy, calling him a lunatic. Cassidy refused to sit down, called Trump 'brother,' and Trump told him he wasn't his brother. Senator John Kennedy later said the meeting was a success because no one got stabbed.
Every Republican senator — except maybe Mike Lee and Rick Scott — knows the SAVE Act can't pass 50 votes, let alone 60. But not one of them told Trump that in the room. Dan Pfeiffer calls it a pure sign of weakness and failure from John Thune: you had him there, and you still said nothing.
The Trump administration is asking Congress for an $88 billion Iran war funding supplemental — and 69% of Americans already think the war wasn't worth the cost. With gas prices still elevated and Medicaid cuts fresh in voters' minds, Republicans are being asked to cast one of the most unpopular votes imaginable heading into the midterms.
The Trump administration asked Congress for an $88 billion war funding supplemental, mostly to pay for the Iran war, which polls show 69% of Americans think wasn't worth the cost.
A CBS poll found that 69% of Americans think the Iran war has not been worth the cost, making the $88 billion supplemental politically toxic for Republicans.
Chapter 6 · 24:10
New York Primary Upsets: The DSA Goes 3 for 3
Jon Favreau walks through the three races: In the 7th District, Claire Valdez won an open seat. In the 10th, progressive Brad Lander — a citywide official backed by Mayor Mamdani — defeated incumbent Dan Goldman in a race largely about Israel. The biggest shock came in the 13th, where four-term Congressman Adriano Espaillat, head of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the first undocumented immigrant to serve in Congress, lost to Darielyza Avila Chevalier, a DSA-aligned community organizer who supports abolishing prisons, police, and all deportations. The hosts note that mainstream Democrats also won elsewhere in New York that night, but the three headline losses are dominating the conversation. Audio clips from James Carville demanding a party schism, Mamdani celebrating the democratic energy, and Hakeem Jeffries refusing to take the bait and keeping focus on Trump anchor the segment's emotional texture.
Claims made here
Since 1946, more than 98% of House incumbents have won renomination.
From 1946 to 2024, over 98% of House incumbents have won their party primaries. Two losing on the same night — including the chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus — is genuinely extraordinary. This isn't a 'Dems will be Dems' moment to wave away.
Chapter 7 · 27:40
Dan's Message Box: What the Primary Results Actually Mean
Pfeiffer opens with the historical stat: since 1946, over 98% of House incumbents win renomination, making Tuesday's double loss extraordinary. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "From 1946 to 2024, over 98% of House incumbents have won their party primaries. Two losing on the same night — including the chair of the C…" 27:30 He distinguishes the three races: Valdez is a standard DSA candidate in the mold of AOC; Lander is a mainstream progressive with high name ID and mayoral backing who immediately pledged to work with frontline moderates; and Chevalier is a genuinely different case — the most far-left candidate to win a Democratic primary in modern memory. Jon Favreau then delivers a pointed assessment: Chevalier attended an October 8th rally condemned by Mamdani, AOC, and Lander; a week before winning she told the NY editorial board she opposes all deportations and refused four times to name any prison sentence appropriate for a convicted murderer. Democrats, Favreau argues, need to say clearly that her views range from 'moronic to abhorrent' — not to lump her in with DSA broadly, but because saying nothing makes voters think the party agrees. The broader pattern Pfeiffer identifies is unmistakable: Justice Democrats, DSA, and Our Revolution are out-organizing, out-fundraising, and out-maneuvering the party establishment in race after race, and Schumer or Jeffries endorsements have become liabilities rather than assets.
From 1946 to 2024, more than 98% of House incumbents have won renomination, making two losing on the same night a rare and significant event.
Chevalier may be the most left-wing candidate to ever win a Democratic primary in modern times. She attended an anti-Israel rally on October 8th, 2023 — condemned by Mamdani, AOC, and Lander — and a week before winning she told a NY editorial board she opposes all deportations, all prisons, and couldn't name any jail time appropriate for a convicted murderer. Democrats need to say plainly: those views are wrong.
Chapter 8 · 36:15
What's Driving the Progressive Wave — And Where It Goes Next
Jon and Dan survey the next wave of progressive primaries: Abdul El-Sayed leads the Michigan Senate race against Mallory McMorrow and Haley Stevens; DSA state rep Francesca Hong is running for Wisconsin governor; DSA candidate Melat Quiros challenges Diana DeGette in Colorado. Pfeiffer is careful not to make the electability argument against these candidates — he notes that dismissing liberal nominees as unelectable has been wrong before, and that running a smart, state-appropriate campaign matters more than ideological label. A key data point emerges: Gallup shows 66% of Democrats view socialism favorably, with men 30–44 — millennials who came of age in the Great Recession — showing the highest favorability of any cohort. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "Dan Pfeiffer identifies three reasons the Democratic base has turned on the party establishment: anger that leadership hasn't stood up to T…" 38:15 Favreau argues the number reflects frustration with capitalism, not ideology: when people say 'socialism,' they picture Medicare for All, not abolishing prisons. Pfeiffer then distills the three forces powering anti-establishment energy: anger that Democrats failed to stand up to Trump, perception of corporate capture, and Israel-Gaza — with the Gaza issue particularly prominent in the Goldman and Chevalier races. And Favreau adds a fourth: the original sin of losing to Trump twice, after his criminal conviction and January 6th.
Claims made here
When Obama ran for reelection, 42% of Democrats identified as liberal or very liberal; today that figure is over 54%.
A Gallup poll showed 66% of registered Democrats have a positive view of socialism.
A New York Times poll found 49% of Democrats and Democrat-leaning independents have a favorable view of socialism.
Men aged 30 to 44 have the highest favorability toward socialism of any age cohort among Democrats, outpacing younger voters by about 9 points.
Rocket Money has saved users over $880 million in canceled subscriptions.
Dan Pfeiffer identifies three reasons the Democratic base has turned on the party establishment: anger that leadership hasn't stood up to Trump, the perception that the party is too captured by corporate interests, and the issue of Israel and Gaza. These aren't fringe concerns — they're driving primary upsets coast to coast, and the institutional party has no credible answer.
Today, north of 54% of Democrats consider themselves liberal or very liberal, up from 42% when Obama ran for reelection.
A Gallup poll showed 66% of registered Democrats have a positive view of socialism, with men aged 30–44 showing the highest favorability.
Men aged 30 to 44 — millennials — show the highest favorability toward socialism of any demographic group, outpacing even younger voters by 9 points. But Jon Favreau argues this isn't ideological: it's a verdict on capitalism. When people say 'socialism,' they picture Medicare for All — not abolishing prisons.
Chapter 10 · 50:55
JD Vance's Tone-Policing Disaster & the Ross Douthat Interview
The hosts set up the Vance segment with the Maggie Haberman / Jonathan Swan book anecdote: at a White House dinner, Trump asked Rupert Murdoch to rate Rubio and Vance in front of both men. Murdoch called Rubio 'brilliant' and said Vance 'has the potential to be great,' which Vance tried to laugh off. [1] — Jon Favreau "JD Vance told Ross Douthat that criticism of the administration's unchristian tone is really just elites policing 'working-class communicat…" 57:20 Then the hosts turn to the more consequential Douthat interview clip, where Vance argued that calling out Trump's 'tone of aggressive uncharity' is just elites policing working-class communication. Jon Favreau's reaction is visceral: Vance sounds like a right-wing version of a woke academic, the Manhattan billionaire calling Americans 'human scum' is not a working-class communication style, and asking people not to be cruel to neighbors is not an elite preference — it's Christian charity, the very thing Vance constantly invokes. Pfeiffer digs deeper into the contradiction: Vance came from poverty and rose through Ivy League education, venture capital, and Hollywood production to become Vice President — the definition of elite ascent — and now plays the anti-elitist while embodying every elite institution he once scorned. The segment is sharp, funny, and cuts to something real about the performance of authenticity in MAGA politics.
JD Vance told Ross Douthat that criticism of the administration's unchristian tone is really just elites policing 'working-class communication.' Jon Favreau eviscerates the argument: the Manhattan billionaire president calling Americans 'human scum' isn't working-class speech, and telling someone not to be a dick to neighbors is not an elite preference.
Chapter 11 · 1:04:00
JD Vance Meets His Wife on Camera (Sort Of)
The JD Vance segment closes with a lighter but no less revealing moment. Usha Vance hosts a YouTube series reading to children, and this week's special guest was her husband, the Vice President. The clip opens with Usha thanking JD for joining, calling him 'honey,' and JD responding 'Good to see ya' before reaching across and delivering two measured pats on his wife's knee — then withdrawing the hand and sitting in silence. Jon Favreau urges listeners to pause and watch it on YouTube. Dan Pfeiffer notes that if there is any moment where a public figure should be able to relax and be themselves, it's sitting with their spouse. [1] — Dan Pfeiffer "On Usha Vance's YouTube series, JD Vance greeted his own wife with two fatherly pats on the knee, pulled his hand back, and then both of th…" 1:04:00 The hosts speculate about deleted takes — perhaps there are nine less affectionate knee pats on the White House cutting room floor — before closing with a shared joke that Rupert Murdoch must be reconsidering that 'potential to be great' assessment.
On Usha Vance's YouTube series, JD Vance greeted his own wife with two fatherly pats on the knee, pulled his hand back, and then both of them sat staring at each other. Dan Pfeiffer's verdict: it looks like the first meeting between a man who's never been on a date and a mail-order bride. And they could have edited it.
Chapter 13 · 1:09:15
Gina Hinojosa on Running for Texas Governor
Jon Favreau welcomes Gina Hinojosa, the Democratic gubernatorial nominee in Texas, for a wide-ranging conversation about her campaign. Hinojosa opens by invoking her upbringing in Brownsville on the Rio Grande border, where as a child she asked her father why there were beggars in Mexico but none when they crossed back into Texas — and his answer was the American dream, built on a strong middle class. She never planned to run for office; she made her husband promise they never would. But when Abbott's policies threatened to shut down her son's school, she ran for the school board and won. The Texas House came next. Now, she frames the entire governor's race as a fight against 'the Greg Abbott corruption tax' — a system in which donor money drives policy, Texans pay 75% more in property taxes, 100+ schools are closing, 150+ districts have gone to 4-day weeks, and Corpus Christi risks running out of water. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Texas has 100+ schools closing, 150+ districts on 4-day weeks, the most uninsured children of any state, property taxes up 75%, and Corpus …" 1:12:10 Her father's decade as Texas Democratic Party chair taught her one primary lesson: she did not want that life. But the legislature showed her that all Texas's problems trace back to the same root cause.
Claims made here
Texas has over 100 schools shutting down and over 150 school districts operating on 4-day weeks.
Texas has the most uninsured children of any state in the country.
Texas property taxes have increased approximately 75% under Greg Abbott.
Texas has 100+ schools closing, 150+ districts on 4-day weeks, the most uninsured children of any state, property taxes up 75%, and Corpus Christi potentially running out of water. Gina Hinojosa frames all of it as a single cause: the Greg Abbott corruption tax, where policy is driven by donor money and everyone else pays more and gets less.
Over 100 schools are shutting down in Texas and over 150 school districts have moved to 4-day weeks because they cannot afford to operate 5 days a week.
Property taxes in Texas have increased approximately 75% under Governor Greg Abbott's tenure.
Chapter 14 · 1:15:10
Hinojosa on Money, Name ID, and the Anti-Incumbency Energy in Texas
Jon Favreau confronts Hinojosa with the structural challenge: Abbott has over $100 million, and 33% of Texas voters told a recent poll they don't know enough about her to form an opinion. [1] — Jon Favreau "Abbott sitting on $100M+ campaign war chest: Greg Abbott has more than $100 million in his campaign account heading into the 2026 Texas gub…" 1:15:12 Hinojosa's response is strategically sharp: money matters when you need to tell people who you are — but Abbott's problem is that Texans already know who he is, and they don't want it anymore. The number-one response she hears when people find out she's running against Abbott is genuine surprise: 'He can run again? Don't we have term limits?' Her name ID has climbed 20 points since late last year; the polling gap has closed from 9 points down to 5 points. She describes organizing the state into 7 regions and running full congressional-style campaigns in each. The anti-incumbency energy she describes isn't abstract — it's the same force driving upsets across the country, and in Texas it's compounded by over a decade of Abbott delivering more for donors than for voters.
Greg Abbott has more than $100 million in his campaign account heading into the 2026 Texas gubernatorial race.
Chapter 15 · 1:20:30
Texas Education in Crisis: Vouchers, Closing Schools, and the Back-to-Basics Fix
Jon Favreau asks what is actually happening to Texas public schools, and Hinojosa's answer is a precise political autopsy. She and James Salazar co-chaired the fight against vouchers in 2023, successfully recruiting rural Republicans to vote with them. Abbott's response was to spend $1 million per race to primary those Republicans out of office. With the rural opposition gone, vouchers passed. The voucher money, she argues, isn't flowing to better education — it's flowing to vendors connected to Abbott donors, exemplified by the $12 million contribution from out-of-state billionaire Jeff Yaz, the largest in Texas history. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Abbott received $12M — largest TX campaign contribution: Greg Abbott received a $12 million contribution from out-of-state billionaire Jeff…" 1:26:30 Abbott's takeover of Houston ISD and push to replace teachers with 'education guides' in 100 AI schools is another front in the same war: extract money from public education, deliver it to connected interests. Hinojosa's positive vision is deliberately unglamorous: back to basics, pay teachers their worth, certify teachers properly — Texas is now hiring more uncertified teachers than certified ones, and one neighboring district's top source of new hires is foreign countries. She argues that Democrats have lost touch with this simple truth because nobody gets rich from paying teachers.
Claims made here
Greg Abbott gave $1 billion in no-bid contracts to his donors.
Greg Abbott received $12 million from out-of-state billionaire Jeff Yaz — the largest campaign contribution in Texas history — from someone with a financial interest in school vouchers.
Greg Abbott received a $12 million contribution from out-of-state billionaire Jeff Yaz — the largest campaign contribution in all of Texas history — from someone with a financial interest in school vouchers.
Chapter 16 · 1:27:20
Latino Voters, Immigration, and What Democrats Keep Getting Wrong
Jon Favreau probes the tension between Democratic assumptions about Latino voters and the 2024 reality. Hinojosa's analysis is pointed: Democrats have allowed Republicans to set the terms of the debate, spending energy on culture war fights instead of the core economic message. Her math is simple — if she hits Beto's 2018 mark of 64% of the Latino vote, she wins, because the Latino share of the Texas electorate has grown since then. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "In 2018, Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote and came within 2.5 points of winning Texas statewide. The Latino share of the Texas elec…" 1:31:00 Taylor Ramette's 79% Latino support in the Tarrant County state Senate flip demonstrates what's possible. She is candid about immigration: she grew up on the border and wants real border security. The district attorney in Harris County, she notes, cannot prosecute child sex abuse cases because witnesses have been detained, deported, or are too afraid — making the current approach less safe, not more. She is equally candid that it is hard to ask Americans to be generous with immigration when they feel the American dream is out of reach for themselves. And she calls Biden's late-term border management a failure of leadership, noting that when she escalated the issue in December before his final year, a Biden-brokered enforcement deal with Mexico caused crossings to plummet almost immediately.
Claims made here
Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote in the 2018 Texas Senate race, coming within 2.5 points of winning statewide.
A Democratic state Senate candidate won 79% of the Latino vote when flipping the Tarrant County state Senate seat.
The New World screwworm, a flesh-eating parasite eradicated from the US 60 years ago, is back in Texas cattle and spreading. Reporting indicates DOGE cuts slowed the federal response. Abbott has not criticized the administration despite Texas having a Secretary of Agriculture in the Trump cabinet. Hinojosa calls it a failure of Abbott's leadership and juice with Washington.
In 2018, Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote and came within 2.5 points of winning Texas statewide. The Latino share of the Texas electorate is now larger. Hinojosa says if she hits that same 64% threshold, she wins — and a recent state Senate race in Tarrant County saw 79% Latino support for the Democratic candidate.
In 2018, Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote in Texas; Hinojosa says reaching that same threshold would give her a winning coalition given Latino population growth.
Chapter 17 · 1:33:10
Screwworm, Redistricting Stakes, and Why Texas Is the Most Important Governor's Race
Jon Favreau asks the case for prioritizing Texas over other competitive races. Hinojosa's answer is structural and stark: after the Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act, Texas Republicans have promised to redraw congressional maps next year. Under a Republican governor, Democrats could lose 5 congressional seats immediately, with another 4 to 5 following census-driven seat gains — a total of nearly 10 seats gone. The Texas governor controls 10% of Congress. [1] — Gina Hinojosa "Texas will redraw congressional maps next year with no Voting Rights Act guardrails. If Republicans control the governorship, Democrats cou…" 1:33:10 She frames this as existential for any Democratic path to a House majority. The screwworm crisis — a flesh-eating livestock parasite eradicated 60 years ago and now back in Texas due in part to DOGE-driven federal cuts to prevention programs — illustrates the cost of Abbott's inability to push back on Trump even when Texas ranchers suffer. Abbott has said nothing critical of the administration despite a Texas Secretary of Agriculture in the cabinet. Favreau closes the interview by noting that as Midwestern states drift redder, Texas's growth and potential flip become mathematically necessary for Democratic presidential math as well. The episode ends with credits and a tease of Dan Pfeiffer's upcoming interview with Strict Scrutiny's Leah Lippman.
Claims made here
The Brennan Center predicts Texas will gain 4 to 5 more congressional seats after the next census because it is growing faster than all other states.
Texas will redraw congressional maps next year with no Voting Rights Act guardrails. If Republicans control the governorship, Democrats could lose 5 seats immediately, plus 4 to 5 more after the census adds congressional seats. The Texas governor effectively controls 10% of Congress. That's why Gina Hinojosa says this is the most important governor's race in the country.
The governor of Texas controls redistricting power that affects 10% of U.S. congressional seats, making the 2026 race one of the most consequential in the country.
In the last Trump midterm — 2018 — Democrats swept the Texas legislative landscape, flipping 12 House seats and all of Harris County, but weren't fully organized. This time Democrats have candidates in every congressional, state house, and state senate seat, and already outperformed Republicans in the primary. Hinojosa's primary vote total was double Beto's 2018 primary haul.
In 2026, Democrats outperformed Republicans in the Texas primary, a rare occurrence, with Gina Hinojosa getting twice as many votes as Beto O'Rourke received in 2018.
Democrats flipped a Texas state Senate seat in Tarrant County — once the most Republican county in the US — swinging it 31 points.
No indexed bits in this chapter.
Show stoppers
Snapshots ()
Key Quotes ()
This episode
Cast
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The central figure discussed throughout the episode, whose decision to cancel the housing bill signing and demand the SAVE Act drives the opening segment.
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Three-term incumbent Governor of Texas running for a record fourth term, whom Gina Hinojosa is challenging and criticizing for corruption and education failures.
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Vice President whose awkward public persona, tone-policing argument with Ross Douthat, and viral knee-pat moment with wife Usha are discussed and mocked.
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Far-left community organizer who upset four-term incumbent Adriano Espaillat in a New York House primary; described as possibly the most left-wing candidate to win a Democratic primary in a generation.
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New York City's Democratic Socialist mayor whose slate of three endorsed candidates all won their House primaries on Tuesday.
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New York City comptroller who defeated incumbent Congressman Dan Goldman in a primary largely focused on Israel policy.
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Referenced as the benchmark Democratic candidate in Texas who came within 2.5 points in 2018 but lost the gubernatorial race in 2022.
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Bernie-endorsed Democratic socialist candidate leading the Michigan Senate primary polls against Mallory McMorrow and Haley Stevens.
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Republican Senator who got into a shouting match with Trump at the Senate lunch over Iran war powers, was called a lunatic, and then changed his vote.
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Four-term Congressman and chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus who lost his primary to Darielyza Avila Chevalier in a major upset.
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House Minority Leader whose measured response to the New York primary results is contrasted with James Carville's call for a schism.
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Conservative New York Times columnist who interviewed JD Vance on his podcast, prompting Vance's controversial 'tone policing' argument.
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Media mogul whose dinner conversation rating Rubio above Vance in front of both men is recounted from a new Trump book.
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Incumbent Congressman in New York's 10th District who lost to Brad Lander in a race focused on Israel policy and military aid.
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Senate Majority Leader criticized by Dan Pfeiffer for failing to push back on Trump's SAVE Act demands even when Trump was present in the room.
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Speaker of the House who told Trump directly that 'no one gives a shit about housing' and later said he would transmit the housing bill for signature.
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Democratic strategist whose reaction to the New York primary results — calling for a party schism — is played as an audio clip.
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Republican Senator who voted to convict Trump at his second impeachment trial; Trump pointedly looked at her while noting that all such senators are now gone.
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The Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act that Trump is demanding Congress pass before he'll sign the housing bill; has failed the Senate five times.
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Central to the Gina Hinojosa interview segment; discussed as a potential Democratic breakthrough state in 2026 with enormous redistricting implications.
Stats
This episode
Claims & Sources
Factual claims made this episode, and whether a source was named.
The SAVE Act would require all Americans to show passports or birth certificates to register to vote.
The SAVE Act has failed to pass the Senate five times.
The housing bill would become law in 10 days even without Trump's signature.
Congress has enough votes to override a Trump veto of the housing bill.
A majority of Americans do not have passports, and those without them are disproportionately working class and non-college educated.
Since 1946, more than 98% of House incumbents have won renomination.
A CBS poll found 69% of Americans think the Iran war has not been worth the cost.
When Obama ran for reelection, 42% of Democrats identified as liberal or very liberal; today that figure is over 54%.
A Gallup poll showed 66% of registered Democrats have a positive view of socialism.
A New York Times poll found 49% of Democrats and Democrat-leaning independents have a favorable view of socialism.
Men aged 30 to 44 have the highest favorability toward socialism of any age cohort among Democrats, outpacing younger voters by about 9 points.
Greg Abbott received $12 million from out-of-state billionaire Jeff Yaz — the largest campaign contribution in Texas history — from someone with a financial interest in school vouchers.
Greg Abbott gave $1 billion in no-bid contracts to his donors.
Texas has over 100 schools shutting down and over 150 school districts operating on 4-day weeks.
Texas property taxes have increased approximately 75% under Greg Abbott.
Texas has the most uninsured children of any state in the country.
Beto O'Rourke won 64% of the Latino vote in the 2018 Texas Senate race, coming within 2.5 points of winning statewide.
Rocket Money has saved users over $880 million in canceled subscriptions.
The Brennan Center predicts Texas will gain 4 to 5 more congressional seats after the next census because it is growing faster than all other states.
A Democratic state Senate candidate won 79% of the Latino vote when flipping the Tarrant County state Senate seat.