Podbit · The Megyn Kelly Show
Poor neighborhoods are roughly split 60-40 in favor of having police — because they live with the consequences of crime. It's elite, wealthy white people insulated from those realities who vote for police and prison abolition. Taibbi has the receipts from two years of street-level research.
Where this was said
At 12:50 · chapter starts 9:03
Taibbi opens by agreeing with Kelly that Israel is now the single most powerful litmus test in Democratic primaries — and that supporting Israel is effectively disqualifying in the party's base. He traces the DSA's success to that issue, noting that after the New York victories, crowds chanted 'You are next' at Hakeem Jeffries on television. [1] — Matt Taibbi "Taibbi draws a sharp line between Bernie Sanders's FDR-style populism and the new DSA wave. Having actually studied scientific communism at…" 09:25 Kelly then draws Taibbi into a deeper discussion of who actually votes for these candidates, observing that in New York it was wealthy white voters who backed the radicals while Black and Hispanic voters largely did not. Taibbi validates this with his own research: while writing a book on Eric Garner's death, he spent roughly two years in the Staten Island neighborhood where Garner was killed, finding the community roughly 60-40 in favor of police presence because of the concrete benefits — fewer fights, fewer robberies. [2] — Matt Taibbi "Poor neighborhoods are roughly split 60-40 in favor of having police — because they live with the consequences of crime. It's elite, wealth…" 12:50 He then delivers his sharpest distinction: the new DSA candidates are a fundamentally different breed from Bernie Sanders, whom Taibbi knew well as a reporter and covered during his presidential runs. Having studied scientific communism at a Soviet university, Taibbi recognizes the real ideological type — and says this new crop, who talk freely of seizing the means of production, represents it far more closely than FDR-style populism.
Taibbi draws a sharp line between Bernie Sanders's FDR-style populism and the new DSA wave. Having actually studied scientific communism at a Soviet university, he recognizes the ideological type — and says these candidates are a different and far more radical breed.
Taibbi's Soviet university experience informs his view that the new DSA wave is ideologically distinct and more radical than Bernie Sanders's FDR-style democratic socialism.
CNN's chief legal analyst Laura Coates described the Supreme Court's trans-sports ruling as involving someone 'assigned the male gender at birth.' Craig Melvin delivered a trigger warning before reading language from the opinion. Taibbi traces this to activists learning they could police media language — starting with 'undocumented' replacing 'illegal.'
Most people confuse things they value instrumentally (because they get them other things) with things they value intrinsically (for their own sake). Greenberg's friend stayed in a miserable relationship for years because she was living by her parents' values, not her own — the values map made the mismatch instantly visible.
Jungian analyst James Hollis distills a good life to four things: shut up (have gratitude, stop whining), suit up (prepare yourself to fulfill a role), show up (do the actual work in service of others), and daily get out of stimulus-response to ask what your deeper wish actually is. The whole landscape of self-help slots into just these four bins.
Toward the end of their 20s, many men discover that all the strategies that earned them recognition and success have stopped working. It's a second adolescence — more important than the first — where the question shifts from 'how do I play the game?' to 'who do I actually want to become?' Most people going through it look fragile from the outside. They're actually building a foundation.
Boys are told from childhood not to cry, not to feel, not to be weak — but anger gets a pass. The result: a generation of men who reroute every emotion, including sadness and fear, through the only acceptable channel. Emotional avoidance isn't toughness, it's misdirected sensitivity.
Men need a 'bank account' of masculine status — muscle, money, success — before society grants them permission to express vulnerability. Chris Bumstead can cry at the Olympia and get celebrated. A struggling nobody doing the same thing gets contempt. This creates a tragic paradox where the men who most need emotional support get the least of it.
Emotional sensitivity isn't a defect — it's a high-resolution scanner for human experience. Highly sensitive people pick up body language, tone, and unspoken tension that others miss entirely. In the right environment, that's not a liability. It's a superpower.
Her supervisor told her she was too emotional for the pediatric ICU. So she asked herself: 'What area of medicine can I cry in?' That question led her to psychiatry. Finding the environment that holds your emotional sensitivity isn't retreat — it's strategy.
For someone with RSD, ghosting isn't ambiguity — it's a self-verdict. Their brain doesn't read 'this relationship ended,' it reads 'I am the reason this failed.' No closure means the brain fills the gap with evidence of personal insufficiency, and it keeps filling indefinitely.
More freedom doesn't produce more happiness — it produces more anxiety. Kierkegaard identified this 180 years ago: the more options you have, the more you feel the 'dizziness of freedom,' a paralytic unease at having to choose any single one. The freest generation in history is, by his prediction, exactly the most anxious.
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