Taibbi's Soviet university experience informs his view that the new DSA wave is ideologically distinct and more radical than Bernie Sanders's FDR-style democratic socialism.
Snapshot · The Megyn Kelly Show
Taibbi's Soviet university experience informs his view that the new DSA wave is ideologically distinct and more radical than Bernie Sanders's FDR-style democratic socialism.
Where this was said
At 10:15 · chapter starts 9:03
Taibbi opens by agreeing with Kelly that Israel is now the single most powerful litmus test in Democratic primaries — and that supporting Israel is effectively disqualifying in the party's base. He traces the DSA's success to that issue, noting that after the New York victories, crowds chanted 'You are next' at Hakeem Jeffries on television. [1] — Matt Taibbi "Taibbi draws a sharp line between Bernie Sanders's FDR-style populism and the new DSA wave. Having actually studied scientific communism at…" 09:25 Kelly then draws Taibbi into a deeper discussion of who actually votes for these candidates, observing that in New York it was wealthy white voters who backed the radicals while Black and Hispanic voters largely did not. Taibbi validates this with his own research: while writing a book on Eric Garner's death, he spent roughly two years in the Staten Island neighborhood where Garner was killed, finding the community roughly 60-40 in favor of police presence because of the concrete benefits — fewer fights, fewer robberies. [2] — Matt Taibbi "Poor neighborhoods are roughly split 60-40 in favor of having police — because they live with the consequences of crime. It's elite, wealth…" 12:50 He then delivers his sharpest distinction: the new DSA candidates are a fundamentally different breed from Bernie Sanders, whom Taibbi knew well as a reporter and covered during his presidential runs. Having studied scientific communism at a Soviet university, Taibbi recognizes the real ideological type — and says this new crop, who talk freely of seizing the means of production, represents it far more closely than FDR-style populism.
Taibbi draws a sharp line between Bernie Sanders's FDR-style populism and the new DSA wave. Having actually studied scientific communism at a Soviet university, he recognizes the ideological type — and says these candidates are a different and far more radical breed.
Poor neighborhoods are roughly split 60-40 in favor of having police — because they live with the consequences of crime. It's elite, wealthy white people insulated from those realities who vote for police and prison abolition. Taibbi has the receipts from two years of street-level research.
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May, a 33-year-old with $69,000 in combined debt, is considering a forensic pathologist career that would require 11–13 years of medical school training.
Boys are twice as likely to be suspended for the exact same behavior as a girl, and five times as likely if the boy is Black.
A person can become a psychiatrist, therapist, or coach without completing even one hour of grief education, which Kessler calls a critical gap.
Godin illustrates sunk cost fallacy with a parking example: even after pre-paying $35 for a lot, passing a free street space triggers irrational hesitation to switch — yet the rational choice is always the free space.
Citing Daniel Kahneman's work on loss aversion, Bartlett explains that humans need to find £20 to emotionally offset the pain of losing £10 — pleasure and pain are not symmetrical.
College students who saw an age-progressed photo of their future selves were more motivated to start a savings account, demonstrating imagination's real behavioral impact.
Nearly 300 top researchers have applied for scientific asylum in France as the Trump administration threatens to defund billions in university research.
All federal funding to Sinclair's Harvard Medical School lab was cut during the Harvard-federal government dispute, nearly forcing him to fire most of his staff.
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