548. Burnham vs. Westminster and Trump’s Next Target

548. Burnham vs. Westminster and Trump’s Next Target

Britain collects only 6% of tax revenue locally vs 32% in Germany — and Andy Burnham's entire devolution vision depends on closing that gap.

Jun 30, 2026 54:21 Difficulty: Intermediate Played

TL;DR

Andy Burnham's first major speech as incoming UK Prime Minister outlined a devolution-centred vision — "Number 10 North," the biggest council housing programme since the war, and a rejection of Treasury centralisation — but Rory Stewart warns that without tax-raising powers and planning deregulation, the ambitions may stall. The episode then pivots to a right-wing sweep across Latin America, with Trump-backed candidates winning in Peru, Colombia, Chile, and Honduras by razor-thin margins, raising the stakes for Brazil's October election. The single most useful takeaway: only 6% of British tax revenue is collected locally, compared to 32% in Germany — a structural gap Burnham must close for devolution to mean anything.

#Andy Burnham #UK devolution #Number 10 North #Burnham premiership #council housing #local tax revenue #levelling up #Reform Party #Latin America right turn #pink tide collapse #Trump Monroe Doctrine #El Salvador mega-prisons #Mercosur EU deal #Brazil 2026 election #AI and industrial strategy #devolution #Labour #UK politics #Latin America #Trump #pink tide #fiscal rules #Farage #El Salvador #Mercosur #local government #Brazil elections #Monroe Doctrine

Rory Stewart and Alastair Campbell examine Andy Burnham's landmark Monday speech setting out his vision for the incoming premiership, with devolution and a 'Number 10 North' at its centre, then turn to a dramatic right-wing electoral shift across Latin America driven partly by Trump's interventions.

Chapter list
  • The episode opens with Alastair Campbell framing the central question: does Andy Burnham want to win power only to give it away? Burnham's Monday speech — covering devolution, a 'Number 10 North', council housing, and a new economic vision summed up as 'good growth in every postcode and hope in every heart' — is presented as compelling, setting up the episode's challenge to Rory Stewart to agree. A Fuse Energy sponsorship follows, offering tariffs up to £200 below the Ofgem price cap and a £50 referral bonus for switching both gas and electricity.

  • This ad break features two paid spots. BetterHelp's ad opens with a relatable 'too many tabs open' metaphor, citing their 2026 State of Stigma report finding that 74% of Americans believe society discourages help-seeking, before promoting online licensed therapy. The Tremfya ad then addresses adults with Crohn's disease or ulcerative colitis, outlining treatment options including self-injection and intravenous infusion, with detailed safety warnings and a call to consult doctors.

  • Rory and Alastair welcome listeners to The Rest Is Politics and lay out the episode's structure: the first half will examine Andy Burnham's big Monday speech and what it signals about his incoming premiership, while the second half will tour the dramatic right-wing shift across Latin American elections. It is a crisp, efficient signpost that frames the scope of both discussions.

  • Rory establishes that Burnham's ascent to the premiership is now virtually certain, with a timetable of the third week of July. Alastair explains that the parliamentary Labour Party shifted almost as a herd toward Burnham, making a contested leadership election unnecessary. A vivid moment arrives when Rory recalls lunching with Palestinian ambassador Hussein Zimrod, who noted he had known six British prime ministers in seven years — a wry measure of Westminster's dysfunction. Rory then sketches the common challenge facing all incoming leaders: cost of living, housing, immigration frustration, and creaking public services, and briefly traces the different recipes each predecessor brought.

  • Alastair reflects that Burnham's willingness to destabilise an incumbent Labour PM with a large majority — while not even holding a parliamentary seat — is a bold, unusual move quite unlike Labour political tradition. Having secured and won a by-election so decisively, he achieved Labour leader and PM status without contest. Alastair then analyses the speech itself: it was remarkable that a newly elected backbencher's address received prime ministerial media coverage, with Tuesday's front pages led by Burnham rather than the actual PM's defence investment plan. Crucially, the speech connected personal story — Westminster disillusionment, Manchester redemption — to a national vision built around 'place not party'.

  • Rory frames the speech around two big ideas. The first is devolution: shifting political and fiscal power from London to city mayors, with Greater Manchester held up as a working proof of concept after a decade under Burnham. Rory credits George Osborne and David Cameron for setting up the Greater Manchester model, while Alastair notes the rejection of Thatcherism woven through the speech. The second pillar is industrial strategy — housing, energy nationalisation, government-led investment. Alastair then fires off the episode's most arresting data point: Britain collects just 6% of taxes locally, versus 14% in France, 24% in Spain, and 32% in Germany. The implication is stark — until that changes, local mayors are merely spending central government pocket money.

  • Alastair introduces 'The Myth of Treasury Control', a new Oxford University Press book based on 150 interviews — including one with Burnham — that dissects how Treasury silos and short-termism have broken areas like prisons, SEN provision, and homelessness. He recalls that Burnham himself was Chief Secretary to the Treasury under Gordon Brown and backed a programme called Total Place in 2009, which mapped public spending geographically before being killed by austerity. The conversation then turns to the most consequential appointment Burnham will make: Chancellor. Alastair argues for Ed Miliband on the grounds of Treasury experience, proven willingness to fight difficult battles, and demonstrated capacity to shift institutional mindsets — while acknowledging the appointment would be controversial. Rory is more sceptical.

  • Rory delivers his most pointed critique: by committing to Reeves' fiscal rules — no income tax, NI, corporation tax, or VAT rises — Burnham has denied himself the money to fund council house building at scale, let alone broader industrial strategy. The arithmetic is brutal. He then examines Burnham's centrepiece housing pledge through the Singapore lens: Sam Friedman's research shows Singapore achieves 80% public housing, but through state land ownership, compulsory savings, and almost unchallenged override powers against local opposition. Britain has none of those levers. That means the only real route to Burnham's housing ambition is radical planning deregulation — simplifying the Green Belt, overriding NIMBYs, fixing construction skills and materials shortages — none of which featured clearly in Monday's speech.

  • Rory cites a report by Public First director Damyanti Chatterjee, which tracked £19 billion in Tory and Labour national funding across schemes like the Levelling Up Fund, Shared Prosperity Fund, and Towns Fund. The results are counterintuitive and damning: Hartlepool received £974 per head since 2016 versus £1–£3 per head for London councils, yet it sent a Reform MP to Westminster. Across all areas studied — Hartlepool, Great Yarmouth, Ashfield, Boston — the correlation is the same: equalising for poverty, diversity, and all other indicators, the more levelling-up money an area received, the higher its Reform or Restore vote share. Alastair's interpretation is that Burnham's answer to this paradox is empowerment rather than top-down money delivery — but the challenge of sustaining that collaborative, non-partisan approach inside the adversarial House of Commons will be immense.

  • Alastair picks up the thread on 'Number 10 North' as the nerve centre of a rewired Britain, but immediately surfaces the tension: Burnham must avoid seeming anti-London while championing the North, and he must avoid the Scottish reaction to a 'north' framing that excludes Fort William. More fundamentally, the collaborative, cross-party approach that made him effective as a mayor — working with trade unions, faith groups, businesses, and rival councillors — will be battered daily by the adversarial nature of parliamentary combat. Both Rory and Alastair share a personal resonance with Burnham's disgust at Westminster, having experienced it themselves. The hope, Rory suggests, is that Burnham is charismatic enough to reach over Parliament directly to the public through social media and television — but whether that is sufficient is genuinely uncertain.

  • Alastair relays Malcolm Turnbull's live reaction from Australia — the speech was broadcast live on Australian TV, a remarkable indicator of international interest in a backbench MP. Turnbull's verdict: Burnham offers a politics of disruption that will appeal to angry Reform voters, while still being grounded in substance rather than pure populism. Peter Hyman's Substack provides the episode's most quotable framing: where Farage offers victimhood, Burnham offers agency; where Farage offers scapegoats, Burnham offers common purpose. Alastair then defends Burnham's choice not to take press questions after the speech, arguing it allowed serious media coverage to land without being immediately derailed by gotcha moments. Rory teases that Alastair himself previously attacked Boris and Rishi for the same tactic, prompting a spirited denial.

  • Both hosts identify gaps in the speech. Alastair notes Burnham barely mentioned AI, and Rory goes further — revealing a Burnham staff member told him directly that 'Andy's not interested in AI', which Rory describes as 'completely devastating' given that AI is the closest thing to a magic growth lever available to any incoming government. Alastair adds two further omissions: Brexit was mentioned only in passing despite being central to Britain's economic future, and the ongoing European heatwave was a missed opportunity to link climate economics to the growth agenda. On appointments, Alastair welcomes Jonathan Powell staying as National Security Advisor and James Purnell becoming Chief of Staff, seeing both as signs of seriousness. He closes by imagining a punchier Burnham response to Trump's dismissive tweet — suggesting Burnham should have led with Manchester's 32 World Cup players rather than letting the comment pass.

  • The mid-episode break runs several sponsored messages. A health awareness ad covers Peyronie's disease, explaining its causes, symptoms, and treatability. Carvana promotes its online car-buying platform with a 7-day return policy, using a 'buyer's rejoice' tagline. A Sally.com ad targets parents navigating college funding. SimpliSafe promotes its proactive home security system, stopping crime before it starts. Wayfair advertises room-of-choice delivery and setup on qualifying orders.

  • Alastair opens the second half by acknowledging the devastating earthquakes in Venezuela, before pivoting to the big political story: the collapse of Latin America's second pink tide. Rory traces the arc from Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales in the first tide, through Boric, Petro, Castillo, Lula, and Sheinbaum in the second, to the current right-wing sweep in Chile, Colombia, and Peru. José Antonio Kast won in Chile, described by Economist correspondent Michael Reid as authoritarian and uninspiring. Keiko Fujimori won Peru by fewer than 50,000 votes, 50.13% to 49.86%. Most disturbingly, Colombia elected Esprilla — a Trump ally and former mafia lawyer who represented drug traffickers and disappearances, modelling himself explicitly on El Salvador's Bukele. Trump's interventions, from endorsements to threatened sanctions, appear to have contributed to these narrow victories, though the drivers are also deeply internal — principally the perception that organised crime is out of control.

  • Rory argues that Trump's foreign policy has a rare coherence when it comes to the Americas: he is explicitly pursuing a 'Trump corollary to the Monroe Doctrine', seeking to dominate the Western Hemisphere as a strategic priority over the Middle East, Europe, or Asia. Evidence includes the kidnapping of Venezuela's president, relentless pressure on Cuba, sanctions threats against left-wing candidates, and rewards for allies like Milei. China and the global left will see the current Latin American shift as a Trump victory. Alastair then focuses on Brazil: Lula, now 80, faces Flávio Bolsonaro in an October first round, with Trump expected to back him. A Brazilian survey shows a Trump endorsement would increase vote intention for 17% but decrease it for 15% — its impact is ambiguous. Alastair notes the overseas Peruvian vote — largely based in the US — may have tipped Fujimori's narrow win, raising questions about direct Trump influence on diaspora voters.

  • Rory reframes the structural driver of the right-wing turn: while the first and second pink tides fought over redistribution and equality, current Latin American elections are being fought on crime and security. The Bukele model — mega-prisons packed with near-100 men per cell, no possessions, no visits, lights on 24/7 — is documented as a human rights violation, yet Richard Madeley's documentary found that most viewers across all ages and classes wanted something similar in their own country. Alastair adds that Costa Rica, Colombia, and other countries are adopting similar rhetoric, and references Moises Naim's 'three C's': crime, corruption, and cruelty. The model's appeal is undeniable; its transferability to complex, large countries like Colombia is another matter entirely. Meanwhile, the right is not delivering uniformly — Milei faces protests, Kast's ratings have fallen, Bolivia declared a state of emergency, and Ecuador has seen murders rise 30%.

  • Rory closes the Latin America discussion with a more optimistic note: the European Commission has begun implementing the EU-Mercosur free trade agreement, and while it won't displace China's exploding trade presence, Europe remains the largest investor in Brazil and Argentina. He argues this provides a meaningful political ally for Latin American governments seeking to balance themselves between Washington and Beijing — and holds it up as a blueprint for how the EU and Britain might construct their global middle-power relationships in a post-unipolar world.

  • Alastair invites listeners to sign up to the newsletter, promising an exclusive piece from a journalist who has infiltrated the far right. Rory previews tomorrow's Question Time episode, which will explore Zoran Mamdani's rise to New York mayor and the deeper question of how the Democratic Party — cracked open by Trump — rebuilds its ideological identity and candidate pipeline. Both hosts sign off briskly, promising to reconvene the next day.

  • The final segment carries two short ad spots for SimpliSafe home security and Wayfair furniture delivery. Gordon and David from The Rest Is Classified then deliver a compelling cross-promotion for their latest series on the assassination of Alexander Litvinenko — a former KGB officer poisoned in London with a rare radioactive toxin in a plot traced to the top of the Russian state. The series promises cloak-and-dagger espionage, political conspiracy, and a forensic examination of how the British state suppressed the truth to protect its relationship with Russia.

Devolution
The transfer of legislative or executive powers from a central government to regional or local authorities; here used to describe shifting political and fiscal power from Westminster to city mayors and local councils.
Ofgem price cap
The maximum unit price UK energy suppliers can charge domestic customers, set by regulator Ofgem; the episode references tariffs priced £200 below this cap.
Fiscal rules
Self-imposed constraints on government borrowing and spending — in this case the Reeves/Starmer pledge not to raise income tax, NI, corporation tax, or VAT, which Burnham has inherited.
Länder
The 16 federal states of Germany, which hold significant autonomous powers including policing, education, and economic development — contrasted here with the much weaker UK local authorities.
Monroe Doctrine
The 19th-century US foreign policy principle asserting that the Western Hemisphere is closed to further European colonisation; Trump's 'corollary' updates it to mean active US dominance over Latin America.
Pink tide
A term describing the wave of left-wing and centre-left governments elected across Latin America in the early 2000s and again in the early 2020s, driven by commodity wealth and social inequality movements.
Mercosur
A South American trade bloc (Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay) that has recently finalised a major free trade agreement with the European Union.
M-19
A Colombian urban guerrilla movement (Movimiento 19 de Abril) that demobilised in 1990; Gustavo Petro, Colombia's previous left-wing president, had earlier connections to it.
Place-based outcomes
A public-services framework where spending and delivery are designed around the specific needs of a geographic area rather than siloed by Whitehall department; the 2009 Total Place programme piloted this approach.
Compulsory savings scheme
A government-mandated retirement and housing fund (as in Singapore's CPF) that forces citizens to save a portion of income, used in Singapore to fund its 80% public housing model.
Levelling up
Boris Johnson's flagship policy of directing extra central government funding to disadvantaged areas in the Midlands and North of England to reduce regional economic inequality.
Northern Powerhouse
George Osborne's initiative to boost economic growth across Northern England through infrastructure investment, devolved powers, and the creation of combined-authority city mayors.
Peyronie's disease (PD)
A condition where scar tissue forms under the skin of the penis, causing a curved, painful erection; mentioned in a sponsored ad read.
Stonking majority
British informal for a very large parliamentary majority; used here to describe the scale of Labour's 2024 general election victory under Keir Starmer.
Anathema
Something or someone greatly detested or loathed; used here to describe how the Treasury views giving greater tax-raising powers to local government.
Penal colony / battery hens (metaphor)
Richard Madeley's metaphor for conditions in El Salvador's mega-prisons, where prisoners are packed into cells with no possessions, no daylight, and no visits — comparing them to intensively farmed poultry.
ICE
US Immigration and Customs Enforcement — the federal agency responsible for immigration enforcement and deportations, referenced in the context of migrants being sent to El Salvador's prisons.
Silos
In public-policy usage, separate government departments or agencies that operate independently rather than sharing information or resources, often leading to inefficiency.
En passant
French for 'in passing'; used here to mean Burnham mentioned Brexit only briefly and incidentally in his speech rather than addressing it substantively.

Chapter 1 · 00:00

Introduction & Fuse Energy Ad

The episode opens with Alastair Campbell framing the central question: does Andy Burnham want to win power only to give it away? Burnham's Monday speech — covering devolution, a 'Number 10 North', council housing, and a new economic vision summed up as 'good growth in every postcode and hope in every heart' — is presented as compelling, setting up the episode's challenge to Rory Stewart to agree. A Fuse Energy sponsorship follows, offering tariffs up to £200 below the Ofgem price cap and a £50 referral bonus for switching both gas and electricity.

Chapter 2 · 01:39

Ad Break: BetterHelp and Tremfya

This ad break features two paid spots. BetterHelp's ad opens with a relatable 'too many tabs open' metaphor, citing their 2026 State of Stigma report finding that 74% of Americans believe society discourages help-seeking, before promoting online licensed therapy. The Tremfya ad then addresses adults with Crohn's disease or ulcerative colitis, outlining treatment options including self-injection and intravenous infusion, with detailed safety warnings and a call to consult doctors.

Claims made here

74% of Americans believe society still discourages asking for help, according to BetterHelp's 2026 State of Stigma report.

Ad Narrator BetterHelp 2026 State of Stigma report

Chapter 4 · 03:45

Andy Burnham's Path to the Premiership

Rory establishes that Burnham's ascent to the premiership is now virtually certain, with a timetable of the third week of July. Alastair explains that the parliamentary Labour Party shifted almost as a herd toward Burnham, making a contested leadership election unnecessary. A vivid moment arrives when Rory recalls lunching with Palestinian ambassador Hussein Zimrod, who noted he had known six British prime ministers in seven years — a wry measure of Westminster's dysfunction. Rory then sketches the common challenge facing all incoming leaders: cost of living, housing, immigration frustration, and creaking public services, and briefly traces the different recipes each predecessor brought.

Chapter 5 · 05:36

Alastair Assesses Burnham's Ruthlessness and Vision

Alastair reflects that Burnham's willingness to destabilise an incumbent Labour PM with a large majority — while not even holding a parliamentary seat — is a bold, unusual move quite unlike Labour political tradition. Having secured and won a by-election so decisively, he achieved Labour leader and PM status without contest. Alastair then analyses the speech itself: it was remarkable that a newly elected backbencher's address received prime ministerial media coverage, with Tuesday's front pages led by Burnham rather than the actual PM's defence investment plan. Crucially, the speech connected personal story — Westminster disillusionment, Manchester redemption — to a national vision built around 'place not party'.

Government
Burnham's Vision: Number 10 North and the Devolution Gamble

548. Burnham vs. Westminster and Trump’s Next Target · Jun 30, 2026 Government

Andy Burnham's first major speech as incoming PM placed devolution at the centre of everything — a 'Number 10 North,' the biggest council housing programme since the war, and a direct rejection of Treasury centralisation. The speech was covered like a prime ministerial address before he'd even entered Parliament, which tells you everything about the moment.

Government
Burnham Without a Contest: The Most Unusual Tory Entry in Labour History

548. Burnham vs. Westminster and Trump’s Next Target · Jun 30, 2026 Government

Burnham wasn't even in Parliament. Yet he secured a seat, won it emphatically, and watched the parliamentary Labour Party shift almost as a herd toward him — achieving the Labour leadership and the premiership without a contest. It is, as Rory acknowledges, a breathtakingly unusual political manoeuvre.

Chapter 6 · 08:30

The Two Pillars: Devolution and Industrial Strategy

Rory frames the speech around two big ideas. The first is devolution: shifting political and fiscal power from London to city mayors, with Greater Manchester held up as a working proof of concept after a decade under Burnham. Rory credits George Osborne and David Cameron for setting up the Greater Manchester model, while Alastair notes the rejection of Thatcherism woven through the speech. The second pillar is industrial strategy — housing, energy nationalisation, government-led investment. Alastair then fires off the episode's most arresting data point: Britain collects just 6% of taxes locally, versus 14% in France, 24% in Spain, and 32% in Germany. The implication is stark — until that changes, local mayors are merely spending central government pocket money.

Claims made here

London accounts for roughly 15% of the UK's national population but generates about a quarter of all economic growth and a third of all exports.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Germany's capital Berlin generates only 5% of the country's economic output, compared to London which generates roughly 25% of the UK's growth.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

The book 'The Myth of Treasury Control' is based on 150 interviews with senior civil servants, politicians, and public service deliverers, including Andy Burnham, and is priced at £125.

Alastair Campbell The Myth of Treasury Control, Oxford University Press

Chapter 8 · 17:25

Rory's Scepticism: Fiscal Handcuffs and the Singapore Problem

Rory delivers his most pointed critique: by committing to Reeves' fiscal rules — no income tax, NI, corporation tax, or VAT rises — Burnham has denied himself the money to fund council house building at scale, let alone broader industrial strategy. The arithmetic is brutal. He then examines Burnham's centrepiece housing pledge through the Singapore lens: Sam Friedman's research shows Singapore achieves 80% public housing, but through state land ownership, compulsory savings, and almost unchallenged override powers against local opposition. Britain has none of those levers. That means the only real route to Burnham's housing ambition is radical planning deregulation — simplifying the Green Belt, overriding NIMBYs, fixing construction skills and materials shortages — none of which featured clearly in Monday's speech.

Claims made here

Singapore has 80% public housing, achieved through state land ownership, compulsory savings, and strong powers to override public opposition to building.

Rory Stewart Article by Sam Friedman

Only 6% of British tax revenues are collected by local government, compared to 14% in France, 24% in Spain, and 32% in Germany.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Chapter 9 · 21:35

£19 Billion and Still Voting Reform: The Levelling-Up Paradox

Rory cites a report by Public First director Damyanti Chatterjee, which tracked £19 billion in Tory and Labour national funding across schemes like the Levelling Up Fund, Shared Prosperity Fund, and Towns Fund. The results are counterintuitive and damning: Hartlepool received £974 per head since 2016 versus £1–£3 per head for London councils, yet it sent a Reform MP to Westminster. Across all areas studied — Hartlepool, Great Yarmouth, Ashfield, Boston — the correlation is the same: equalising for poverty, diversity, and all other indicators, the more levelling-up money an area received, the higher its Reform or Restore vote share. Alastair's interpretation is that Burnham's answer to this paradox is empowerment rather than top-down money delivery — but the challenge of sustaining that collaborative, non-partisan approach inside the adversarial House of Commons will be immense.

Claims made here

£19 billion in national levelling-up funds have been allocated by Tory and Labour governments, yet areas receiving the most money have sent Reform or Restore MPs to Parliament.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Hartlepool received £974 per head in levelling-up funding since 2016, compared to £1–£3 per head for councils in London.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Equalising for poverty, diversity, and other indicators, the more levelling-up funding an area receives, the more likely its residents are to vote for Reform or Restore.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Chapter 10 · 24:30

Number 10 North, Parliamentary Politics, and the Collaborative Gamble

Alastair picks up the thread on 'Number 10 North' as the nerve centre of a rewired Britain, but immediately surfaces the tension: Burnham must avoid seeming anti-London while championing the North, and he must avoid the Scottish reaction to a 'north' framing that excludes Fort William. More fundamentally, the collaborative, cross-party approach that made him effective as a mayor — working with trade unions, faith groups, businesses, and rival councillors — will be battered daily by the adversarial nature of parliamentary combat. Both Rory and Alastair share a personal resonance with Burnham's disgust at Westminster, having experienced it themselves. The hope, Rory suggests, is that Burnham is charismatic enough to reach over Parliament directly to the public through social media and television — but whether that is sufficient is genuinely uncertain.

Chapter 11 · 27:20

Malcolm Turnbull, Peter Hyman, and Strategic Communication

Alastair relays Malcolm Turnbull's live reaction from Australia — the speech was broadcast live on Australian TV, a remarkable indicator of international interest in a backbench MP. Turnbull's verdict: Burnham offers a politics of disruption that will appeal to angry Reform voters, while still being grounded in substance rather than pure populism. Peter Hyman's Substack provides the episode's most quotable framing: where Farage offers victimhood, Burnham offers agency; where Farage offers scapegoats, Burnham offers common purpose. Alastair then defends Burnham's choice not to take press questions after the speech, arguing it allowed serious media coverage to land without being immediately derailed by gotcha moments. Rory teases that Alastair himself previously attacked Boris and Rishi for the same tactic, prompting a spirited denial.

Chapter 12 · 33:30

What Was Missing: AI, Brexit, Climate, and Key Appointments

Both hosts identify gaps in the speech. Alastair notes Burnham barely mentioned AI, and Rory goes further — revealing a Burnham staff member told him directly that 'Andy's not interested in AI', which Rory describes as 'completely devastating' given that AI is the closest thing to a magic growth lever available to any incoming government. Alastair adds two further omissions: Brexit was mentioned only in passing despite being central to Britain's economic future, and the ongoing European heatwave was a missed opportunity to link climate economics to the growth agenda. On appointments, Alastair welcomes Jonathan Powell staying as National Security Advisor and James Purnell becoming Chief of Staff, seeing both as signs of seriousness. He closes by imagining a punchier Burnham response to Trump's dismissive tweet — suggesting Burnham should have led with Manchester's 32 World Cup players rather than letting the comment pass.

Chapter 14 · 39:18

Latin America: The Second Pink Tide Reversed

Alastair opens the second half by acknowledging the devastating earthquakes in Venezuela, before pivoting to the big political story: the collapse of Latin America's second pink tide. Rory traces the arc from Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales in the first tide, through Boric, Petro, Castillo, Lula, and Sheinbaum in the second, to the current right-wing sweep in Chile, Colombia, and Peru. José Antonio Kast won in Chile, described by Economist correspondent Michael Reid as authoritarian and uninspiring. Keiko Fujimori won Peru by fewer than 50,000 votes, 50.13% to 49.86%. Most disturbingly, Colombia elected Esprilla — a Trump ally and former mafia lawyer who represented drug traffickers and disappearances, modelling himself explicitly on El Salvador's Bukele. Trump's interventions, from endorsements to threatened sanctions, appear to have contributed to these narrow victories, though the drivers are also deeply internal — principally the perception that organised crime is out of control.

Claims made here

Keiko Fujimori won Peru's presidential election by fewer than 50,000 votes, with a margin of 50.13% to 49.86%.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Chapter 15 · 44:00

Trump's Monroe Doctrine and the Battle for Brazil

Rory argues that Trump's foreign policy has a rare coherence when it comes to the Americas: he is explicitly pursuing a 'Trump corollary to the Monroe Doctrine', seeking to dominate the Western Hemisphere as a strategic priority over the Middle East, Europe, or Asia. Evidence includes the kidnapping of Venezuela's president, relentless pressure on Cuba, sanctions threats against left-wing candidates, and rewards for allies like Milei. China and the global left will see the current Latin American shift as a Trump victory. Alastair then focuses on Brazil: Lula, now 80, faces Flávio Bolsonaro in an October first round, with Trump expected to back him. A Brazilian survey shows a Trump endorsement would increase vote intention for 17% but decrease it for 15% — its impact is ambiguous. Alastair notes the overseas Peruvian vote — largely based in the US — may have tipped Fujimori's narrow win, raising questions about direct Trump influence on diaspora voters.

Claims made here

Honduras's Trump-backed candidate Asfura won by less than one percentage point (40.3% to 39.4%), after Trump threatened 'hell to pay' if he lost, and Trump also pardoned the previous Honduran president Hernández who was serving 45 years on drug charges.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

A Brazilian survey found that a Trump endorsement would increase willingness to vote for a candidate for 17% of respondents, decrease it for 15%, and make no difference for 65%.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Chapter 16 · 49:20

El Salvador's Mega-Prisons and Latin America's Law-and-Order Turn

Rory reframes the structural driver of the right-wing turn: while the first and second pink tides fought over redistribution and equality, current Latin American elections are being fought on crime and security. The Bukele model — mega-prisons packed with near-100 men per cell, no possessions, no visits, lights on 24/7 — is documented as a human rights violation, yet Richard Madeley's documentary found that most viewers across all ages and classes wanted something similar in their own country. Alastair adds that Costa Rica, Colombia, and other countries are adopting similar rhetoric, and references Moises Naim's 'three C's': crime, corruption, and cruelty. The model's appeal is undeniable; its transferability to complex, large countries like Colombia is another matter entirely. Meanwhile, the right is not delivering uniformly — Milei faces protests, Kast's ratings have fallen, Bolivia declared a state of emergency, and Ecuador has seen murders rise 30%.

Claims made here

Ecuador has seen murders rise by 30% under its current right-wing government.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

News
El Salvador's Mega-Prisons: Horror Abroad, Appetite at Home

548. Burnham vs. Westminster and Trump’s Next Target · Jun 30, 2026 News

El Salvador's mega-prisons pack near 100 men per cell with no possessions, no visits, and lights blazing 24/7. It's a documented breach of human rights — and yet journalist Richard Madeley found that most viewers of his documentary wanted something similar in Britain. That appetite is driving Latin American politics rightward.

Chapter 17 · 53:40

Mercosur, Middle Powers, and Europe's Latin America Play

Rory closes the Latin America discussion with a more optimistic note: the European Commission has begun implementing the EU-Mercosur free trade agreement, and while it won't displace China's exploding trade presence, Europe remains the largest investor in Brazil and Argentina. He argues this provides a meaningful political ally for Latin American governments seeking to balance themselves between Washington and Beijing — and holds it up as a blueprint for how the EU and Britain might construct their global middle-power relationships in a post-unipolar world.

No indexed bits in this chapter.

Show stoppers

Snapshots ()

Key Quotes ()

This episode

Cast

Stats

Episode stats

Insight Overview

insights
chapters

Insight distribution

Sub-Categories

Speaker breakdown

Talk Time

This episode

Claims & Sources

6 / 13 cited (46%)

Factual claims made this episode, and whether a source was named.

Only 6% of British tax revenues are collected by local government, compared to 14% in France, 24% in Spain, and 32% in Germany.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

London accounts for roughly 15% of the UK's national population but generates about a quarter of all economic growth and a third of all exports.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

£19 billion in national levelling-up funds have been allocated by Tory and Labour governments, yet areas receiving the most money have sent Reform or Restore MPs to Parliament.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Equalising for poverty, diversity, and other indicators, the more levelling-up funding an area receives, the more likely its residents are to vote for Reform or Restore.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Hartlepool received £974 per head in levelling-up funding since 2016, compared to £1–£3 per head for councils in London.

Rory Stewart Public First report by Damyanti Chatterjee

Singapore has 80% public housing, achieved through state land ownership, compulsory savings, and strong powers to override public opposition to building.

Rory Stewart Article by Sam Friedman

The book 'The Myth of Treasury Control' is based on 150 interviews with senior civil servants, politicians, and public service deliverers, including Andy Burnham, and is priced at £125.

Alastair Campbell The Myth of Treasury Control, Oxford University Press

Keiko Fujimori won Peru's presidential election by fewer than 50,000 votes, with a margin of 50.13% to 49.86%.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Honduras's Trump-backed candidate Asfura won by less than one percentage point (40.3% to 39.4%), after Trump threatened 'hell to pay' if he lost, and Trump also pardoned the previous Honduran president Hernández who was serving 45 years on drug charges.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

A Brazilian survey found that a Trump endorsement would increase willingness to vote for a candidate for 17% of respondents, decrease it for 15%, and make no difference for 65%.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

74% of Americans believe society still discourages asking for help, according to BetterHelp's 2026 State of Stigma report.

Ad Narrator BetterHelp 2026 State of Stigma report

Germany's capital Berlin generates only 5% of the country's economic output, compared to London which generates roughly 25% of the UK's growth.

Alastair Campbell no source cited

Ecuador has seen murders rise by 30% under its current right-wing government.

Alastair Campbell no source cited