Trump's approval rating with men under 30 was about +1 in 2024 but is now underwater by 55 points.
How Trump lost the bro vote
Trump's approval rating among men under 30 has flipped from +1 in 2024 to -55 today — and even his own most loyal cultural allies are acknowledging the break.
Today, Explained
How Trump lost the bro vote
Trump's approval rating among men under 30 has flipped from +1 in 2024 to -55 today — and even his own most loyal cultural allies are acknowledging the break.
TL;DR
Young men were a key demographic for Trump's 2024 victory, but a new poll shows his approval rating with men under 30 is now underwater by 55 points [1] — Astead Herndon "Men under 30 approval swing: +1 to -55: Trump went from a 1-point advantage with men under 30 in 2024 to being underwater by 55 points in 2…" 00:15 . Host Astead Herndon went to Trump's UFC event at the White House to take the temperature of this group firsthand, then interviewed far-right activist Jack Posobiec about the cracks forming in that relationship [2] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec, one of the most prominent far-right Trump allies, concedes on record that young men have 'softened' on Trump. He hears it co…" 19:00 . Gas prices, the Iran war, and the Epstein files are the three main grievances [3] — Astead Herndon "Top 3 grievances: gas, Iran, Epstein: Young men at the UFC event consistently cited gas prices, the Iran war, and lack of Epstein file tran…" 29:35 . The key takeaway: softened young male support doesn't make them Democrats — it makes them a ripe target for whoever can credibly speak to economic pain.
Host Astead Herndon investigates the collapse of Trump's support among young men — a group that helped propel him to victory in 2024 — by reporting from Trump's UFC White House event and interviewing far-right activist Jack Posobiec. Gas prices, the Iran war, and the Epstein files emerge as the three main grievances driving the shift.
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The episode opens with Astead Herndon cutting straight to the numbers that define the story: among men under 30, Trump went from a razor-thin 1-point advantage over Kamala Harris in 2024 to an approval rating that is now underwater by a staggering 55 points [1] — Astead Herndon "Men under 30 approval swing: +1 to -55: Trump went from a 1-point advantage with men under 30 in 2024 to being underwater by 55 points in 2…" 00:15 . It's the kind of swing that forces a reckoning — not just about one man's popularity but about whether a movement built on masculine identity and anti-establishment cool can survive contact with governing. Herndon frames his mission clearly: he's heading to Washington, D.C., for Trump's UFC event at the White House to take the pulse of this exact demographic in person. The question driving the episode is deceptively simple — do young men still think Trump is cool? — but the answer, as the episode will show, cuts to the heart of American political realignment. The opening sponsor reads for BetterHelp and Fetch Pet Insurance follow.
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On the ground at Trump's UFC White House event, Astead Herndon finds a crowd that is more complicated than the image of a MAGA pep rally. Most of the young men he speaks with are frank: they came for the UFC, not for Trump [1] — Astead Herndon "Young men here for UFC, not Trump: Multiple attendees at the UFC White House event said they came primarily for the sport, not for Trump, t…" 03:57 . Several describe themselves as disappointed, pointing to Trump's failure to lower prices and his involvement in what they see as new foreign conflicts after promising the opposite. Gas prices come up again and again — 'I don't even want to fill my gas tank no more' — and the Epstein files are a live grievance, with attendees describing the lack of transparency as a specific betrayal. One attendee says he voted for Kanye West in the last election because both major-party candidates felt 'too extreme.' Another says he's eighteen and doesn't know if he would have voted for Trump if he'd been eligible. The picture that emerges is of young men who are drawn to UFC's cultural energy and credit Trump for legitimizing it, but who feel increasingly let down by the gap between his promises and his performance [2] — Astead Herndon "Top 3 grievances: gas, Iran, Epstein: Young men at the UFC event consistently cited gas prices, the Iran war, and lack of Epstein file tran…" 29:35 .
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A mid-episode sponsor block covers Shopify (a $1/month trial for new businesses, at shopify.com/americaactually), HomeServe (home repair coverage for as little as $4.99/month at homeserve.com/explain, with 50% off the first year), and Granola AI (an AI notepad that transcribes meetings, free for three months at granola.ai/explain). Each read is handled by a different voice, bridging the street reporting portion of the episode and the longer sit-down interview with Jack Posobiec that follows.
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In a wide-ranging conversation on the White House lawn, Jack Posobiec unpacks the cultural ecosystem that made the Trump-UFC partnership feel inevitable [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec argues that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies all draw from the same overlooked communities — places without pro sports te…" 15:56 . He traces Trump's political identity back through his WWF days — the fighter mentality, the walkout themes, the instinct to size up every challenge and figure out how to take it down. Posobiec argues that UFC and MAGA share an audience for a structural reason: both organizations go to places that don't have pro sports teams, places where the WWF show coming to town is the biggest event of the year. When Trump shows up and says 'you matter,' Posobiec argues, he's doing what Dana White has done for two decades — bringing a version of American spectacle to communities that feel left out of the mainstream [2] — Jack Posobiec "WWF and UFC share MAGA's cultural DNA: Jack Posobiec argued that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies draw from the same communities — plac…" 17:45 . This isn't strategy, Posobiec insists; it's authentic connection built over decades of being around boxing, hip-hop, and the fringes of American celebrity culture. He points out that Dana White has repeatedly said Trump gave UFC its first real platform when no one else would — a debt that has structured the relationship ever since.
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The conversation turns more candid when Herndon asks Posobiec directly whether Trump has lost something with young men. Posobiec doesn't flinch: 'I hear it all the time.' He says he communicates this feedback directly to White House contacts — that young men want more domestic focus and less foreign entanglement, and that gas prices and the Epstein files have created real friction in a relationship that was once Trump's greatest strength [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec, one of the most prominent far-right Trump allies, concedes on record that young men have 'softened' on Trump. He hears it co…" 19:00 . He acknowledges that inflation has hit a record high relative to the Biden years and frames the gas price increase as the explicit cost of removing Iran as a global threat — a trade-off he thinks the president is betting will look better once the conflict winds down. But he's honest about the uncertainty: whether that bet pays off before the midterms is an open question. His reading of the UFC event is that it's not just a party — it's a political signal that the White House knows the connection needs repair and is taking concrete steps to rebuild it [2] — Jack Posobiec "Gas prices blamed on Iran war, not Biden: Jack Posobiec conceded gas prices are up but framed them as the cost of neutralizing Iran as a gl…" 20:15 .
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In one of the episode's sharpest exchanges, Posobiec argues that the Trump administration made a critical error on the Epstein files: they should have ripped the Band-Aid off immediately [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec argues the Trump administration should have just ripped the Band-Aid off on Epstein. By stonewalling, they converted what was…" 21:05 . Instead, the partial release through Pam Bondi's office created the worst of both worlds — enough disclosure to stoke suspicion, but not enough to provide resolution. Posobiec describes the Epstein allegations as having become 'an avatar of elites versus the people,' and says that by stonewalling, the Trump White House inadvertently put itself on the wrong side of that divide. Herndon presses him on why he hasn't already concluded Trump has crossed that line of betrayal, and Posobiec's answer is revealing — he says it's like a marriage with lingering issues, and the UFC event is a 'date night,' a deliberate gesture to say 'I'm putting the phone down, it's just me and you' [2] — Jack Posobiec "Sometimes we get a little busy. Girl needs date night. I take her on a date. I say, you know what, sweetheart, I'm putting the phone down. …" 23:20 . The metaphor lands somewhere between endearing and alarming: even a committed Trump ally frames the situation in terms of managing an ongoing trust deficit, not a problem that's been solved.
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Herndon zeroes in on what may be the most politically explosive gap between Trump's rhetoric and his record: the Iran war. He tells Posobiec that he attended numerous Trump rallies and heard the no-new-wars promise made explicitly and repeatedly — so how is this not a clear break? Posobiec's defense is technical: the Iran action is not an Iraq-style or Afghanistan-style deployment of thousands of troops storming beaches; it doesn't meet the definition of a 'forever war.' Herndon pushes back — is this really how Trump's fans see it? Posobiec concedes the sell is 'getting harder' but holds his ground: the absence of ground troops, he argues, gives Trump enough rhetorical room to claim he hasn't violated the spirit of his promise. What the exchange makes clear is that this argument requires an audience willing to parse semantics under economic stress — and Posobiec himself seems to know that audience is shrinking [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec's defense of Trump's Iran military action: it's not troops storming beaches like Iraq or Afghanistan, so it doesn't count as …" 25:27 .
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With the 2028 horizon already in view, Herndon asks Posobiec who can replicate Trump's cultural connection with young men. Posobiec's answer is JD Vance — but not simply as a Trump continuation [1] — Jack Posobiec "Trump posts memes. JD Vance IS the meme. Jack Posobiec says Vance has immersed himself in internet culture to a depth Trump never reached, …" 26:40 . Where Trump is a 'retweeter,' Vance 'breathes the memes,' portrays himself as the meme, and has fully immersed himself in the internet culture that defines young male political identity in 2025. Posobiec also highlights Vance's unique connection with military veterans, calling his camaraderie with troops 'unmatched' as a fellow veteran. On the Democratic side, Posobiec grudgingly acknowledges a nascent strategy: running white male veteran populists with economic populist messaging, pointing to Grant Plattner as an early trial run. He's skeptical — he doesn't see a Democrat who can pull it off credibly — but admits the strategic logic is sound and predicts Democrats will continue refining it. The implication is that the 'bro vote' is not structurally Republican; it's up for grabs, and the party that speaks most convincingly to economic pain and masculine identity will win it [2] — Jack Posobiec "JD Vance 'breathes the memes' of internet culture: Jack Posobiec argued JD Vance has fully immersed himself in meme and internet culture in…" 27:10 .
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Back in New York, Herndon reflects on what the UFC event revealed and what it obscured [1] — Astead Herndon "Young men are ripe midterm target for Democrats: Astead Herndon concluded that softened young male support for Trump doesn't make those men…" 29:30 . On the political analysis, he's measured: young men souring on Trump doesn't automatically mean Democratic gains — it means they're available, and whoever credibly addresses economic pain and domestic focus has a genuine shot. But the event's own legacy was complicated by something that happened on stage: UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic remark about Michelle Obama, which Herndon describes as leaving 'a permanent stain' on the evening even after Dana White condemned it [2] — Astead Herndon "UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic slur about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House event. Even after Dana White condemned it, host …" 30:25 . Herndon's conclusion is moral as much as political — there are real ways to speak to masculinity and rural American culture that don't require cruelty or misogyny, and this event wasn't one of them. The episode ends with the show's standard outro credits and a plug for Vox membership.
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Herndon wraps the episode by noting that America Actually publishes every Saturday and can also be watched on the Vox YouTube channel. He encourages listeners to support the show through a Vox membership (vox.com/members), which includes weekly Patreon bonus segments. The full credits roll — editor Kasha Bressalian, fact-checker Esther Gim, mixer Shannon Mahoney, video editor Christopher Snyder, senior art director Khun Lui, executive producer Christina Vallis, and theme music by Breakmaster Cylinder. Two final sponsor reads follow: KPMG promoting its Adaptability Index for organizational resilience, and Pure Leaf Mental Focus, a new line of caffeinated sparkling iced teas available in peach and raspberry flavors.
- Overton window
- The range of ideas considered politically acceptable to the mainstream public at any given time; Jack Posobiec used it to describe how UFC and Trump both started outside acceptable mainstream discourse.
- Manosphere
- A loosely connected online ecosystem of communities centered on male identity, anti-feminism, and often right-wing politics; Herndon uses it to describe the cultural space Jack Posobiec inhabits.
- Alt-right
- A loosely defined far-right political movement associated with white nationalism and online radicalism; used in the episode to describe Jack Posobiec's ideological background.
- Pizzagate
- A 2016 conspiracy theory falsely claiming Democratic Party figures ran a child trafficking ring; Jack Posobiec references his own association with it during the Epstein discussion.
- Blue dog Democrat
- A moderate or conservative Democrat who prioritizes fiscal restraint and often represents rural or working-class districts; Posobiec uses the term to describe a potential Democratic strategy to win back young male voters.
- Populism
- A political approach that frames politics as a struggle between ordinary people and a corrupt elite; used repeatedly in the episode to describe both Trump's brand and a potential Democratic counter-strategy.
- Meme culture
- The internet-driven ecosystem of humorous, viral images and references used for social signaling; Posobiec argues JD Vance has mastered this in a way Trump never did.
- Overton window
- The spectrum of politically acceptable discourse; Posobiec invoked it to explain how UFC and Trump both operated at the fringe before going mainstream.
- Pam Bondi binders
- A reference to then-Attorney General Pam Bondi's release of a compiled dossier presented as a major Epstein disclosure; critics, including Posobiec, felt it fell short of full transparency.
- Pepe meme
- A cartoon frog that became an iconic symbol of internet and alt-right culture; Posobiec references Trump posting a Pepe image in 2015 as an early sign of his meme fluency.
- Forever war
- A term for open-ended military engagements without clear exit strategies, such as the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan; Posobiec distinguishes the Iran action from this category to defend Trump's no-new-wars promise.
- Freefall
- Rapid and uncontrolled decline; used metaphorically in the episode to describe the speed of Trump's approval drop with young men.
- Hegemonic masculinity
- A cultural ideal of dominant, assertive male behavior that sets the standard against which other masculinities are judged; implicit in the episode's discussions of why Trump and UFC appeal to young men.
- Cross-section
- To examine the overlap between two populations or datasets; Posobiec uses it when arguing that MAGA rally attendees and pro wrestling fans are largely the same demographic group.
Chapter 1 · 00:00
Intro & Sponsor: The Collapse of Trump's Bro Vote
The episode opens with Astead Herndon cutting straight to the numbers that define the story: among men under 30, Trump went from a razor-thin 1-point advantage over Kamala Harris in 2024 to an approval rating that is now underwater by a staggering 55 points [1] — Astead Herndon "Men under 30 approval swing: +1 to -55: Trump went from a 1-point advantage with men under 30 in 2024 to being underwater by 55 points in 2…" 00:15 . It's the kind of swing that forces a reckoning — not just about one man's popularity but about whether a movement built on masculine identity and anti-establishment cool can survive contact with governing. Herndon frames his mission clearly: he's heading to Washington, D.C., for Trump's UFC event at the White House to take the pulse of this exact demographic in person. The question driving the episode is deceptively simple — do young men still think Trump is cool? — but the answer, as the episode will show, cuts to the heart of American political realignment. The opening sponsor reads for BetterHelp and Fetch Pet Insurance follow.
Claims made here
UFC Freedom 250 was held at the White House South Lawn as part of Trump's birthday celebrations.
Trump went from a 1-point advantage with men under 30 in 2024 to being underwater by 55 points in recent polling. That's not a drift — it's a freefall that could reshape Republican strategy for the midterms.
Trump went from a 1-point advantage with men under 30 in 2024 to being underwater by 55 points in 2025 polling — a stunning reversal.
Chapter 2 · 01:49
Street Interviews: Young Men at the UFC White House Event
On the ground at Trump's UFC White House event, Astead Herndon finds a crowd that is more complicated than the image of a MAGA pep rally. Most of the young men he speaks with are frank: they came for the UFC, not for Trump [1] — Astead Herndon "Young men here for UFC, not Trump: Multiple attendees at the UFC White House event said they came primarily for the sport, not for Trump, t…" 03:57 . Several describe themselves as disappointed, pointing to Trump's failure to lower prices and his involvement in what they see as new foreign conflicts after promising the opposite. Gas prices come up again and again — 'I don't even want to fill my gas tank no more' — and the Epstein files are a live grievance, with attendees describing the lack of transparency as a specific betrayal. One attendee says he voted for Kanye West in the last election because both major-party candidates felt 'too extreme.' Another says he's eighteen and doesn't know if he would have voted for Trump if he'd been eligible. The picture that emerges is of young men who are drawn to UFC's cultural energy and credit Trump for legitimizing it, but who feel increasingly let down by the gap between his promises and his performance [2] — Astead Herndon "Top 3 grievances: gas, Iran, Epstein: Young men at the UFC event consistently cited gas prices, the Iran war, and lack of Epstein file tran…" 29:35 .
Young men at Trump's White House UFC event say they're there for the sport, not the president. But they still credit Trump for making UFC mainstream and bringing it to a 'historic place' — even as they express disappointment in his second term.
Multiple attendees at the UFC White House event said they came primarily for the sport, not for Trump, though they appreciated the atmosphere.
Gas prices, the Iran war, and the Epstein files are the three issues young men at the UFC event cite for losing faith in Trump. Together, they form a picture of a president who promised economic relief and anti-war credibility and delivered neither.
Attendees said Trump used to seem cool and relatable but that image has faded in his second term, especially after the Epstein files and the Iran war.
A young man at the UFC event told Herndon that many men choose Republican because they perceive voting Democrat as being associated with the LGBTQ community, which conflicts with their masculine identity.
Chapter 4 · 15:56
Jack Posobiec on Trump, UFC, and the Culture of Masculinity
In a wide-ranging conversation on the White House lawn, Jack Posobiec unpacks the cultural ecosystem that made the Trump-UFC partnership feel inevitable [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec argues that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies all draw from the same overlooked communities — places without pro sports te…" 15:56 . He traces Trump's political identity back through his WWF days — the fighter mentality, the walkout themes, the instinct to size up every challenge and figure out how to take it down. Posobiec argues that UFC and MAGA share an audience for a structural reason: both organizations go to places that don't have pro sports teams, places where the WWF show coming to town is the biggest event of the year. When Trump shows up and says 'you matter,' Posobiec argues, he's doing what Dana White has done for two decades — bringing a version of American spectacle to communities that feel left out of the mainstream [2] — Jack Posobiec "WWF and UFC share MAGA's cultural DNA: Jack Posobiec argued that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies draw from the same communities — plac…" 17:45 . This isn't strategy, Posobiec insists; it's authentic connection built over decades of being around boxing, hip-hop, and the fringes of American celebrity culture. He points out that Dana White has repeatedly said Trump gave UFC its first real platform when no one else would — a debt that has structured the relationship ever since.
Claims made here
The Trump campaign and administration incorporated WWF showmanship elements, including walkout themes that Trump directed himself.
Trump directed the walkout themes and production elements of his own political rallies.
Dana White has credited Trump with getting UFC off the ground when no other mainstream venues would give them a platform.
Jack Posobiec argues that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies all draw from the same overlooked communities — places without pro sports teams where Trump shows up and tells them they matter. The UFC White House event isn't a stunt; it's the authentic culmination of a decades-long cultural relationship.
Jack Posobiec said Dana White credits Trump with getting UFC off the ground when no mainstream venue would give them a platform.
Jack Posobiec argued that pro wrestling, UFC, and MAGA rallies draw from the same communities — places without major sports teams where Trump shows up and says 'you matter.'
Trump hosted UFC Freedom 250 at the White House as a cultural play to reconnect with young male voters who had drifted from him.
Chapter 5 · 19:00
Posobiec Acknowledges the Break: Young Men Are Softening
The conversation turns more candid when Herndon asks Posobiec directly whether Trump has lost something with young men. Posobiec doesn't flinch: 'I hear it all the time.' He says he communicates this feedback directly to White House contacts — that young men want more domestic focus and less foreign entanglement, and that gas prices and the Epstein files have created real friction in a relationship that was once Trump's greatest strength [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec, one of the most prominent far-right Trump allies, concedes on record that young men have 'softened' on Trump. He hears it co…" 19:00 . He acknowledges that inflation has hit a record high relative to the Biden years and frames the gas price increase as the explicit cost of removing Iran as a global threat — a trade-off he thinks the president is betting will look better once the conflict winds down. But he's honest about the uncertainty: whether that bet pays off before the midterms is an open question. His reading of the UFC event is that it's not just a party — it's a political signal that the White House knows the connection needs repair and is taking concrete steps to rebuild it [2] — Jack Posobiec "Gas prices blamed on Iran war, not Biden: Jack Posobiec conceded gas prices are up but framed them as the cost of neutralizing Iran as a gl…" 20:15 .
Claims made here
Inflation reached a record high under Trump's second term compared to the Biden years.
Gas prices have risen since Trump took office in his second term, following the Iran military action.
Jack Posobiec, one of the most prominent far-right Trump allies, concedes on record that young men have 'softened' on Trump. He hears it constantly — the Iran war, gas prices, Epstein — and says the UFC event is the White House's deliberate attempt at a reconnection.
Jack Posobiec conceded gas prices are up but framed them as the cost of neutralizing Iran as a global threat, expecting prices to fall when the conflict winds down.
Jack Posobiec argues the Trump administration should have just ripped the Band-Aid off on Epstein. By stonewalling, they converted what was once a pro-Trump anti-elite narrative into a story where Trump himself looks like one of the elites hiding something.
Chapter 6 · 21:10
Epstein Files: How Stonewalling Became Betrayal
In one of the episode's sharpest exchanges, Posobiec argues that the Trump administration made a critical error on the Epstein files: they should have ripped the Band-Aid off immediately [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec argues the Trump administration should have just ripped the Band-Aid off on Epstein. By stonewalling, they converted what was…" 21:05 . Instead, the partial release through Pam Bondi's office created the worst of both worlds — enough disclosure to stoke suspicion, but not enough to provide resolution. Posobiec describes the Epstein allegations as having become 'an avatar of elites versus the people,' and says that by stonewalling, the Trump White House inadvertently put itself on the wrong side of that divide. Herndon presses him on why he hasn't already concluded Trump has crossed that line of betrayal, and Posobiec's answer is revealing — he says it's like a marriage with lingering issues, and the UFC event is a 'date night,' a deliberate gesture to say 'I'm putting the phone down, it's just me and you' [2] — Jack Posobiec "Sometimes we get a little busy. Girl needs date night. I take her on a date. I say, you know what, sweetheart, I'm putting the phone down. …" 23:20 . The metaphor lands somewhere between endearing and alarming: even a committed Trump ally frames the situation in terms of managing an ongoing trust deficit, not a problem that's been solved.
Claims made here
Pam Bondi released binders of Epstein materials that were presented as a major transparency measure but were perceived as incomplete.
Jack Posobiec argued that the Trump administration's failure to release the Epstein files fully has damaged Trump's 'man of the people' brand with his own base.
Chapter 7 · 24:00
Iran and the 'No New Wars' Promise
Herndon zeroes in on what may be the most politically explosive gap between Trump's rhetoric and his record: the Iran war. He tells Posobiec that he attended numerous Trump rallies and heard the no-new-wars promise made explicitly and repeatedly — so how is this not a clear break? Posobiec's defense is technical: the Iran action is not an Iraq-style or Afghanistan-style deployment of thousands of troops storming beaches; it doesn't meet the definition of a 'forever war.' Herndon pushes back — is this really how Trump's fans see it? Posobiec concedes the sell is 'getting harder' but holds his ground: the absence of ground troops, he argues, gives Trump enough rhetorical room to claim he hasn't violated the spirit of his promise. What the exchange makes clear is that this argument requires an audience willing to parse semantics under economic stress — and Posobiec himself seems to know that audience is shrinking [1] — Jack Posobiec "Jack Posobiec's defense of Trump's Iran military action: it's not troops storming beaches like Iraq or Afghanistan, so it doesn't count as …" 25:27 .
Claims made here
Trump said on Meet the Press that he did not break a promise regarding new wars.
Jack Posobiec's defense of Trump's Iran military action: it's not troops storming beaches like Iraq or Afghanistan, so it doesn't count as a 'new war.' Astead Herndon presses back — even Posobiec concedes that sell is getting harder with Trump's own fans.
Chapter 8 · 26:40
The Future of the Bro Vote: JD Vance and the Meme Presidency
With the 2028 horizon already in view, Herndon asks Posobiec who can replicate Trump's cultural connection with young men. Posobiec's answer is JD Vance — but not simply as a Trump continuation [1] — Jack Posobiec "Trump posts memes. JD Vance IS the meme. Jack Posobiec says Vance has immersed himself in internet culture to a depth Trump never reached, …" 26:40 . Where Trump is a 'retweeter,' Vance 'breathes the memes,' portrays himself as the meme, and has fully immersed himself in the internet culture that defines young male political identity in 2025. Posobiec also highlights Vance's unique connection with military veterans, calling his camaraderie with troops 'unmatched' as a fellow veteran. On the Democratic side, Posobiec grudgingly acknowledges a nascent strategy: running white male veteran populists with economic populist messaging, pointing to Grant Plattner as an early trial run. He's skeptical — he doesn't see a Democrat who can pull it off credibly — but admits the strategic logic is sound and predicts Democrats will continue refining it. The implication is that the 'bro vote' is not structurally Republican; it's up for grabs, and the party that speaks most convincingly to economic pain and masculine identity will win it [2] — Jack Posobiec "JD Vance 'breathes the memes' of internet culture: Jack Posobiec argued JD Vance has fully immersed himself in meme and internet culture in…" 27:10 .
Claims made here
JD Vance is described as having fully immersed himself in internet meme culture in a way Trump never did.
Trump posted a Pepe meme in 2015, signaling early engagement with internet meme culture.
Trump posts memes. JD Vance IS the meme. Jack Posobiec says Vance has immersed himself in internet culture to a depth Trump never reached, making him uniquely positioned to carry the bro vote into the next election cycle.
Jack Posobiec argued JD Vance has fully immersed himself in meme and internet culture in a way Trump never did, making him uniquely positioned with young men.
Jack Posobiec sees Democrats trying to court young men with white male veteran populists — pointing to Grant Plattner as an early test of that strategy. He's skeptical but admits the approach is real, and warns Democrats could overcorrect into parody.
Young male voters souring on Trump isn't a gift to Democrats — it's an opening. Astead Herndon's reporting makes clear these men don't identify with either party; they're available, grievance-driven, and looking for whoever speaks to their wallet first.
Astead Herndon concluded that softened young male support for Trump doesn't make those men Democrats, but does make them a genuine opportunity for Democrats heading into the midterms.
Chapter 9 · 29:35
Herndon's Verdict: The Event's Permanent Stain and What Comes Next
Back in New York, Herndon reflects on what the UFC event revealed and what it obscured [1] — Astead Herndon "Young men are ripe midterm target for Democrats: Astead Herndon concluded that softened young male support for Trump doesn't make those men…" 29:30 . On the political analysis, he's measured: young men souring on Trump doesn't automatically mean Democratic gains — it means they're available, and whoever credibly addresses economic pain and domestic focus has a genuine shot. But the event's own legacy was complicated by something that happened on stage: UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic remark about Michelle Obama, which Herndon describes as leaving 'a permanent stain' on the evening even after Dana White condemned it [2] — Astead Herndon "UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic slur about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House event. Even after Dana White condemned it, host …" 30:25 . Herndon's conclusion is moral as much as political — there are real ways to speak to masculinity and rural American culture that don't require cruelty or misogyny, and this event wasn't one of them. The episode ends with the show's standard outro credits and a plug for Vox membership.
Claims made here
UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic remark about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House UFC event.
Young men at the UFC event consistently cited gas prices, the Iran war, and lack of Epstein file transparency as their reasons for souring on Trump.
UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic slur about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House event. Even after Dana White condemned it, host Astead Herndon argues the moment exposed the limits of using masculinity and combat sport culture as political branding.
UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic comment about Michelle Obama during the event, which Astead Herndon said left a permanent stain even after Dana White condemned it.
No indexed bits in this chapter.
Show stoppers
Snapshots ()
Key Quotes ()
This episode
Cast
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Central subject of the episode — his declining approval ratings with young men and his use of UFC culture as a political tool.
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Discussed as the most likely Republican successor to Trump's cultural connection with young men, particularly through internet meme culture.
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The undisclosed Epstein files became one of the three main reasons young men cited for souring on Trump in his second term.
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Trump's 2024 opponent; used as a baseline comparison for the young male voter gap and Democratic cultural disconnect.
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UFC boss credited Trump with helping get UFC off the ground; also condemned Josh Hoket's Michelle Obama remark.
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Former Attorney General who released Epstein-related binders that Posobiec and others felt fell short of full transparency.
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Named by Posobiec as an early Democratic test case for a blue-collar, white male veteran populist strategy to recapture young male voters.
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UFC fighter who made a transphobic remark about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House event, which Herndon said permanently stained the evening.
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Subject of a transphobic remark by UFC fighter Josh Hoket at Trump's White House UFC event.
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Named by a young UFC event attendee as a politician they admire, suggesting limited but real appetite for non-Trump Republicans.
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The combat sports organization whose White House event became the setting for Herndon's reporting on Trump's relationship with young male voters.
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Pro wrestling organization used by Posobiec as a cultural analogue to UFC and MAGA, sharing overlapping fan demographics.
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Trump's military action against Iran was cited by young men and Posobiec as a major driver of elevated gas prices and erosion of the no-new-wars promise.
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Venue for Trump's UFC Freedom 250 Fan Fest event, described as an attempt to reconnect with young male voters.
Stats
This episode
Claims & Sources
Factual claims made this episode, and whether a source was named.
Trump's approval rating with men under 30 was about +1 in 2024 but is now underwater by 55 points.
Dana White has credited Trump with getting UFC off the ground when no other mainstream venues would give them a platform.
Trump directed the walkout themes and production elements of his own political rallies.
Trump posted a Pepe meme in 2015, signaling early engagement with internet meme culture.
Gas prices have risen since Trump took office in his second term, following the Iran military action.
Inflation reached a record high under Trump's second term compared to the Biden years.
UFC Freedom 250 was held at the White House South Lawn as part of Trump's birthday celebrations.
The Trump campaign and administration incorporated WWF showmanship elements, including walkout themes that Trump directed himself.
JD Vance is described as having fully immersed himself in internet meme culture in a way Trump never did.
Trump said on Meet the Press that he did not break a promise regarding new wars.
Pam Bondi released binders of Epstein materials that were presented as a major transparency measure but were perceived as incomplete.
UFC fighter Josh Hoket made a transphobic remark about Michelle Obama at Trump's White House UFC event.